#6
They are now calling for white genocide while they have had Planned Parenthood working on a black and brown genocide for 100 years. In actuality, they a just pro genocide.
Posted by: Super Hose ||
01/02/2026 8:56 Comments ||
Top||
[The American Spectator] I recently watched Nuremberg, the stunning new film about the 1946 Nuremberg war crimes trial. Chief among the tranche of top Nazi leaders indicted for crimes against humanity was Hermann Goering, Hitler’s number two man. The film centers on the interplay between Goering and the American military psychiatrist, Douglas Kelley, who had been assigned to monitor the prisoners and help avoid the embarrassment of suicides.
In a real jail-cell interview with another mental health professional, Gustave Gilbert (not portrayed in the film), Goering made clear his mind about what leaders are able to do:
This was meant as an empirical observation. To be sure, the Nazi police state and the entire apparatus of totalitarian coercion had a great deal to with what Germans did. Even before the Nazis gained power, they used brute force against their political opponents. Less than two months after coming to power, they opened the first of the concentration camps, Dachau, in which brutality was institutionalized and augmented. Things only got worse as time went on.
But, as Daniel Goldhagen pointed out in his book Hitler's Willing Executioners, we have extensive records of extreme cruelty and mass killings undertaken willingly, under no threat, by ordinary Germans. To use the full irony of the terrible truth, they were going "above and beyond the call of duty," as if what they were doing was an act of supreme gallantry facing a ferocious enemy, instead of the improvising the torture and murder of starved, nearly naked, unarmed civilians.
#1
But, as Daniel Goldhagen pointed out in his book Hitler's Willing Executioners, we have extensive records of extreme cruelty and mass killings undertaken willingly, under no threat, by ordinary Germans.
Not just the Germans. They had a lot of willing helpers in eastern and western Europe
Someone already forget the fear used that reach the level of 'let's send the unvaxed to concentration camps'? Or Biden's WH official wish the unvax death?
The English word actually finds it's origins from the Afrikaans term Koncentrasie Camp (1899-1902). An invention of Lord Kitchener. Over 20,000 perished in 66 camps, mostly women and children. Some 30,000 of mixed race farm help also died in the camps. The graphic is from the camp cemetery at Kroonstad. The graves lie beneath the stones to prevent animals from digging and brush growth. Many bear only the inscription "Baba or Infant." The Jewish population did not escape internment.
#9
Humans will do truly horrific things to each other for any number of reasons with religion, land, water & resources being a partial list of reasons.
And don't forget the https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internment_of_Japanese_Americans
while we did not intend to murder them all, more than 1800 of them died in captivity.
We haven't treated the American Indian very well either.
[News With Views] In his December 2025 commentary for The Daily Signal, "Leaders Fail When the Threat of Radical Islam Is Ignored," Victor Davis Hanson does not merely contribute to the 24-hour news cycle; he pens a digital memento mori for a fading civilization. To review this piece from the perspective of a cultural archaeologist is to see Hanson as a man standing amidst the marble dust of a crumbling forum, frantically sketching the silhouette of a storm that the city’s architects insist is merely a light fog. Hanson emerges here as a "Prophet in the Ruins," an intellectual classicist who recognizes that the collapse of a society rarely begins with an external breach of the walls, but with an internal rot of the language used to describe the danger.
From this perspective, Hanson’s article is a primary source document on the "Era of Euphemism." He dissects a peculiar 21st-century pathology: the belief that naming a demon is more dangerous than the demon itself.
Hanson begins by mapping a series of violent tremors — shootings in Australia, cancellations in Paris, and executions in Rhode Island. However, his focus isn’t on the ballistics or the blood; it is on the lexicon of the aftermath. He observes a recurring ritual among Western elites: the "nanosecond" pivot. Whenever a radical Islamist strikes, the political apparatus performs a linguistic sleight of hand, widening the lens until the specific threat disappears into a foggy generality of "all extremism."
Hanson’s critique of the Bondi Beach response is particularly sharp. He views the Australian government’s refusal to name the ideology of the killers — preferring to pivot to "white extremism" even when the perpetrators were on terrorist watchlists — as a form of state-sponsored gaslighting. Through the lens of a cultural historian, this is the "Suicide of Clarity." Hanson argues that when a society loses the courage to identify its enemies, it has already lost the will to protect its citizens.
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited by Kirill Zolotarev
[REGNUM] New Year's is usually associated with firecrackers, children's parties, and a Christmas tree in a warm hall. Throughout 20th-century Russian history, this holiday repeatedly fell during winters at the front—from the Civil War to Afghanistan and Chechnya. And each time, the same date—December 31—proved the point where peaceful habits and the harsh logic of war intersected.
The history of the New Year's celebration at the front is the story of how the country, even in the most difficult years, tried to maintain a sense of normalcy. Sometimes it was a few minutes of silence and a tin mug of tea. Sometimes it was an assault to the sound of the chimes.
CIVIL WAR: WHEN THERE'S NO ROOM FOR CELEBRATION
Despite the trials, first of the First World War, then of the Civil War, people tried to preserve what Mikhail Bulgakov called "a lamp with a lampshade" - a feeling of home comfort, warmth, and the spirit of Easter and Christmas.
This is how 10-year-old Maria Daeva, the daughter of a high school teacher and known to family members simply as Musya, described New Year's Eve 1918 in her diary. The Daevas lived in the center of Moscow, on Sadovo-Samotechnaya Street. Literally in November 1917, the capital city was the scene of street battles, essentially the first salvos of the Civil War. But in the apartment, which had not yet been resettled and compacted, they celebrated Christmas. Musya Daeva wrote:
"Yesterday we decorated the tree, and today Dad hung tinsel. What a beautiful tree we have! In the evening, Mom and Dad lit it and called us... Mom gave us an apple, a candy, some honey, and a small piece of chocolate."
The New Year according to the Julian calendar, and later according to the New Style introduced in February 1918, was celebrated by Soviet leaders only sparingly. For example, on December 31, 1917, Vladimir Lenin is known to have attended a festive concert in the assembly hall of the former Mikhailovsky Military School in the Vyborg district of Petrograd.
The now-iconic Christmas tree celebration in Sokolniki took place on New Year's Eve, 1919. According to eyewitnesses, the costumes of the bourgeoisie and the Entente were a great success. But another tradition had already taken hold: the fight against the relic of "reactionary clericalism" in the form of Christmas.
The Whites maintained traditions as best they could in the territories they held.
Thus, on Christmas Day of that same year, 1919, in Arkhangelsk, General Yevgeny Miller's Northern Army and the Anglo-American contingent distributed canned meat to children. In the White Guard press, ideological appeals prevailed over festive sentiments. "For us, Christmas is a holiday of peace par excellence... And this peace would have come to us if not for those unfortunate madmen in Russia who abandoned the precepts of our Savior," wrote Kolchak's "Sibirskaya Rech" on January 1, 1919.
On New Year's Eve 1920, Denikin's authorities organized an illumination and fireworks display in Tsaritsyn. However, the salvos were lost amid the artillery barrage: the Red Army was retaking the city.
The memoirs of Civil War veterans rarely mention New Year's celebrations. Red Army soldiers and commanders more often recall winter marches, food shortages, and the hasty formation of units, rather than Christmas trees and gifts.
If the soldiers managed to organize a holiday, it was inseparable from the ordinary soldier's life: in the evening, in a hut occupied by headquarters or a hospital, they might get hold of some sugar from the sparse supplies, a hidden bottle, or a piece of sausage captured from the enemy. For many soldiers on the southern and eastern fronts, the main thing was not to celebrate January 1st strictly according to the calendar, but simply to survive the first winter in a new country. This new country was both Soviet Russia and a foreign land.
"The camp celebrated the Russian New Year with great enthusiasm... "Hurrah!" Shots crackle. The guards rush helplessly along the lines, and the bullets whistle as if at the front, but fly, admittedly, into the sky," wrote Wrangel's officer Nikolai Raevsky in his diary. He was one of those who celebrated the New Year of 1921 in Gallipoli, Turkey, in a camp for evacuees from Crimea.
New Year's as a national family holiday actually returned only in 1935.
The truly frontline New Year in our memory is, of course, the years 1941–1945. By this time, the holiday had already become entrenched in urban and rural life, and the Soviet leadership consciously maintained the tradition, including at the front: "They celebrate the New Year—it means life goes on."
By the end of 1942–1943, improvised Christmas trees in dugouts and bunkers had become common practice in Red Army units. A spruce or pine branch would be placed in an empty shell crate and decorated with scraps of newspaper, shell casings, and strips of tarpaulin. Veterans recalled that real decorations were almost nonexistent, but the mere fact that "we have a Christmas tree" lifted their spirits more than any decorative baubles.
For the holiday, personnel often received "frontline 100 grams" by order of the People's Commissar of Defense—the standard portion of frontline alcoholic drink, sometimes supplemented by additional rations: a lump of sugar, canned goods, or the occasional apple. Where circumstances permitted, frontline clubs and propaganda teams held small concerts. Accordions played, and popular songs of the era were performed, from "Dark Night" to "Katyusha."
The materials of the Military History Museum of Artillery, Engineering Troops and Signal Corps contain the memoirs of Pyotr Pereverzev, who served in the 404th anti-aircraft division in the Arctic:
"New Year's is New Year's, even at war. And what's a holiday without a decorated Christmas tree? <…>? Anti-aircraft gunners installed a dwarf birch tree in a 37-millimeter shell casing and decorated it with canned food wrappers from the holiday rations. A brightly wrapped candy was placed on top of the tree."
But the main thing those who fought in the war recall is the contrast between the calendar holiday and the reality of combat. Diaries often contain dry entries about battles and losses on New Year's Eve, followed by congratulations from fellow soldiers.
SIEGE OF LENINGRAD: THE CHRISTMAS TREE AS AN ACT OF RESISTANCE
New Year's held a special place in besieged Leningrad. Despite the colossal famine and constant shelling, Leningraders tried to organize at least small celebrations for children—in schools, kindergartens, and community centers.
Christmas tree gifts in 1941–1942 looked completely different from those in pre-war times: Memories of those who survived the siege tell us that a "gift" might be an extra piece of bread or a thin slice of sausage. But even such a symbol held enormous significance—it was a sign that the city was alive, that its children were not forgotten.
People's Artist of the USSR, siege survivor Iosif Serebryany recalled :
"I can't forget New Year's Eve 1942 in one of the rooms of the Union (of Artists) and our lavishly set table, covered with a snow-white tablecloth. There was everything there, dishes for every taste—sausages, fish, caviar... And all of it—some painted, some props, but skillfully done. In reality, it was just thrifted "ersatz"—bread, horsemeat cutlets, and a little beer."
As each New Year approached, notes of hope began to creep into the diaries of Leningrad residents.
Deputy Director of Plant No. 224 in the Sverdlovsk Region, Alexander Kedrov, wrote on December 31, 1942:
"Here we are, New Year's Eve 1943. What does it have in common with the previous New Year? Absolutely nothing, except that we are still under siege. However, we will celebrate the New Year immeasurably better, richer, and more joyfully than last year... Yesterday was the opening of the factory Red Corner. I allowed myself to dance with the girls. See: now we are dancing..."
At the front lines near Leningrad, soldiers and sailors of the Baltic Fleet also tried to celebrate the New Year in a proper manner: with homemade decorations, military soup, and the same "hundred grams." But the festive meal could be interrupted at any moment—artillery duels with the enemy were still ongoing.
AFGHANISTAN: HOMEMADE CAKE AND TRACER FIREWORKS
Four decades later, New Year's was celebrated again during the war—this time in Afghanistan. For soldiers in the limited contingent stationed on foreign soil, the calendar holiday was also a way to somehow connect with home: letters promised to "definitely return for next New Year."
The recollections of those who fought in that war are full of details easily recognizable to any soldier of any era. One soldier, who served in an armored personnel carrier crew, recounted how his platoon celebrated New Year's at their unit's quarters: they fashioned a makeshift cake from soaked black bread, layering it with condensed milk, which was issued for the holiday.
Instead of fireworks, flares and tracers flashed over the positions; instead of a televised address, there was a brief order from the commander and a couple of toasts to the living and the dead. Sometimes, the soldiers themselves would put on a small concert: a guitar, a few songs, and poetry. The "Afghan" New Year was simultaneously very similar to the front-line celebrations of the 1940s—and yet distinctly "foreign": a different country, a different landscape, a different war.
Here is how, for example, the "Shuravi" ("Soviet") celebrated the New Year on the plains of Charikar, where the 45th separate engineering and sapper regiment of the 40th Army was stationed:
"Literally at half past eleven at night, the scouts who had been checking the surrounding area returned. They reported that no one was around, everything was calm. The officers announced that they expected everyone to sit down at the table at 11:40 PM. To bid farewell to the old year and welcome in the new. The whole company sat down. All 74 of us. We raised our glasses and welcomed the new year, 1981.
Outside, it was windy and snowy, and the equipment was slowly making holes. And at our table in a huge tent, we were eating stewed meat with pasta. We drank beer, licking it off our fingers with condensed milk. We chatted and told jokes. Our battalion commander started singing, "It's a bright night, a clear dawn. It seems we should at least save our goals..."
CHECHNYA: NEW YEAR'S EVE UNDER FIRE IN GROZNY
The most tragic New Year's Eve episode in modern Russian history was the storming of Grozny on the night of December 31, 1994, and January 1, 1995. By that time, troops had been fighting in the Chechen Republic for almost two weeks, and the decision to storm the city on New Year's Eve became one of the most controversial chapters of that campaign.
For many units, this New Year's Eve became the day of their heaviest losses. The 131st Maykop Brigade suffered heavy losses in the battle for the city, coming under concentrated fire near the railway station. Officers and soldiers recalled that all that remained of the traditional holiday was a date on the calendar: instead of winter fireworks, there were exploding shells and tracers; instead of congratulations, there were communications commands and reports of destroyed vehicles.
One understands, but Americans look to General Washington crossing the Delaware on Christmas Eve to take the fight to the British.
The recollections of those who participated in the campaign often repeat one detail: somewhere deep within the camp, at temporary bases, the soldiers tried to celebrate somehow—putting up small Christmas trees and preparing a festive dinner. But for those entering Grozny, New Year's wasn't even a symbolic respite. One special forces officer recalled that at one point, the soldiers, taking a break between battles, simply congratulated each other over the radio—that was all the celebration involved.
Colonel Alexander Yaroslavtsev, a participant in the December-January assault and commander of the 81st Rapid Reaction Motorized Rifle Regiment, recalled that the best gift for him was a New Year's miracle: he survived two wounds. After the first hit, the wounded commander was taken to the medics for treatment.
"They hit the car with a grenade launcher again. Then another blow... I climbed into the artillery commander's infantry fighting vehicle, my head spinning. They asked me something, and I answered incoherently. Then the pain hit. One ampoule of promedol wasn't enough," Yaroslavtsev testified. " I woke up on the way to Tolstoy Yurt. There, in the hospital, they started stitching me up. They stitched me up. I was lying on a stretcher, dozing. And then I heard gunfire in the air—I realized it was New Year's."
During the Second Chechen Campaign, the situation improved: by the late 1990s and early 2000s, command tried, whenever possible, to avoid planning major operations on the night of December 31st, although localized fighting continued. For units deployed to Chechnya on a rotating basis, the New Year became an important psychological marker: "We've survived another year, so it's time to go home."
COMMON MOTIFS OF FRONTLINE CELEBRATIONS
If we compare these different wars – the Civil War, the Great Patriotic War, Afghanistan, Chechnya – several common lines become apparent.
Firstly, New Year's during the war was always an attempt to restore a sense of normalcy. A Christmas tree in a dugout, a homemade cake in an Afghan village, a cigarette smoked "under the chimes" in a dugout near Grozny—all of this is not so much about the holiday as it is a reminder: there is ordinary life beyond the front lines, and we will return to it.
Secondly, in all eras, connections to home have played a vital role. In the 1940s, soldiers waited for letters from the front and holiday packages; in the 1980s, turning the calendar in an Afghan tent, soldiers mentally placed the table at home, where their parents or young wives awaited them, next to them.
In the nineties in Chechnya, this was compounded by a modern reality: some had their first mobile phones, others had the rare opportunity to call a landline, but the meaning was the same – to tell their loved ones: “We’re alive.”
Thirdly, for every generation, the New Year at the front became part of the shared memory. For veterans of the Great Patriotic War, it was "the Christmas tree at Stalingrad" or "the frontline 100 grams in Leningrad."
For the "Afghans," it's a bread and condensed milk cake and a tour of duty on an armored vehicle; for those who fought in the Chechen campaign, it's the storming of Grozny and the feeling of the battle continuing while the country celebrates beyond the theater of war.
A HOLIDAY AS PART OF A MILITARY TRADITION
Modern Russian war memory often focuses on the dates of major operations, victories, and anniversaries of mourning. But New Year's celebrations at the front are also an important element of military tradition. It demonstrates that a soldier remains human, regardless of the era or political context.
In this sense, the story of New Year's celebrations on the front lines isn't about exotica or the "romance of war." It's a story about how a country that had endured so many wars in a single century maintained the tradition of celebrating a peaceful, family-oriented holiday even when home was hundreds and thousands of kilometers away.
From the Civil War, where the holiday itself hadn't yet taken root, to Chechnya, where New Year's Eve became a chronicle of heavy fighting, each generation has its own answer to the question of how to celebrate this day when death and war surround us. And as long as these stories live in our memories, New Year's Eve in Russia remains not only an occasion for fireworks but also a reminder of the price of peace.
Text taken fromm the Telegram channel of Tyzemsovet
Drawings are the the link:
[ColonelCassad] Grozny, December 31, 1994, around 11:00 hrs:
A column of the 8th Tank Company of the 81st Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment passes along Ordzhonikidze Avenue past the Presidential Palace toward the railway station. Pedestrians and civilian cars are on the streets.
The appearance of tanks here was a complete surprise for Dudayev's forces; fighting here would begin later.
Grozny, December 31, 1994, around 13:00 hrs:
The 1st Battalion and command post of the 131st Motorized Rifle Brigade reach the railway station. The equipment is parked in the station square, and the troops take up defensive positions in and around the station building.
Grozny, December 31, 1994, around 15:00 hrs:
Militants near the destroyed BMP #684 of Major Artur Belov, Chief of Staff of the 2nd Battalion, 81st Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment. Major Belov was killed while attempting to leave the BMP through the turret hatch. Driver Dmitry Kazakov and signalman Andrei Mikhailov were also killed.
Belov's deputy, Captain Viktor Mychko, was captured wounded.
Grozny, January 1, 1995, around 15:00 hrs:
Units of the 131st Brigade have been fighting for 24 hours while surrounded. Almost all the equipment parked in the station square has been damaged or disabled. Help has been unable to get through, ammunition is running low, and dozens of wounded require medical attention.
Brigade commander Colonel I. Savin decides to break out of the station area at nightfall.
Grozny, January 1, 1995, around 20:00 hrs:
A group led by Colonel Savin, leaving the train station on foot, encounters three infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs) from the 81st Guards Motorized Rifle Regiment near the freight yard. These vehicles had been hidden in garage bays the day before and thus survived. Savin orders the wounded and anyone else with room to be loaded onto the IFVs.
Packed as tightly as possible, the IFVs attempt to break through to their own. Of the three vehicles, only one succeeds; two IFVs, including the one carrying I. Savin, are hit. The morning of January 2, 1995. The abandoned station square. Soldiers who left the train station and survived the New Year's assault on Grozny.
[The Federalist] The Trump administration announced it is pausing all child-care payments to Minnesota in light of explosive revelations about Somali-saturated fraud rings siphoning billions from federal welfare programs. State officials in Ohio, where the second-largest Somali population resides in the United States, are begging for a federal fraud investigation there.
Not Governor Mike DeWine, last I saw, but clearly some among them.
Viral videos of YouTuber Nick Shirley visiting childless "day care centers" in Minnesota expose that Democrats’ two-century practice of buying votes with welfare has now degraded below even offering a functioning cover story. To no thinking person’s surprise, the investigation reveals Democrats’ "affordable childcare" quest seeks the same as every other welfare program: kickbacks for the Democrat political machine. This is a major reason the Founders made federal welfare programs unconstitutional.
As shocking as the estimated $9 billion theft in Minnesota is, it rests upon an even deeper level of scammery. For if it is fraud to take taxpayer money for childcare while not providing it, isn't it also fraud to take taxpayer money for early childhood development that actually damages early childhood development?
The truth is, "affordable childcare" is itself a scam. The billions spent on daycare result in worse outcomes for society than if these programs never existed. Industry researchers have known and lied about this for decades. Yes, that makes them frauds, too, and their mark ‐ is there any other mark on the planet? ‐ the endlessly spigoted American taxpayers.
#2
If people are all that concerned about the welfare of their fellow citizens, they can contribute of their own free will to legitimate charitable organizations. But when the government uses its power to take money from taxpayers, whether the taxpayer wants to pay or not, that's not welfare, it's not charity, it's robbery.
Posted by: Abu Uluque ||
01/02/2026 12:55 Comments ||
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[ZeroHedge] I don’t care if you support Donald Trump, Ron DeSantis or the Easter Bunny, any American who doesn’t realize the tenuous future of our union, after reviewing the information within this testimony, is going to forever live in a collapsed dystopian nightmare, if they vote for any political representative who supports it.
The House Judiciary Committee has released the [VIDEO] and [TRANSCRIPT] of special prosecutor Jack Smith’s deposition. What is outlined within it is alarming in the extreme. I strongly urge anyone with any platform to review the details and quickly highlight the content therein. There is no time to waste.
Jack Smith appeared before the committee with three personal lawyers to support him. The content of the deposition is chilling in the extreme. While many will focus on the granular details of the testimony, I wish to highlight one of the more alarming aspects to the bigger picture.
The predicate for Jack Smith to prosecute President Trump for his efforts to “interfere in the 2020 election”, and thereby “challenge all democratic norms”, essentially boils down to Jack Smith accusing President Trump of participating in a fraud when he challenged the outcome of the 2020 election.
To get beyond President Trump’s first amendment right to free speech, Jack Smith claims Trump knowingly understood that Joe Biden had won the election; President Trump was told by senior Republican advisors that Biden had legitimately won the 2020 election; President Trump rejected the reality of the “truthful information” presented to him, and instead chose to launch a psychological operation against the American people, i.e. “fraud.”
It is the charge of “fraud” which underpins the entirety of the case against Donald Trump, as pursued by Jack Smith. The charge itself is predicated on definitions of what constitutes truthful information, and within that subset of predicate you begin to realize just how important it is to professional leftists that they control information.
The case was dropped after the results of the November 2024 election, won by President Trump. However, if President Trump had not won that election, the prosecution would have continued.
Jack Smith notes in his testimony, in the most Machiavellian way, that his primary prosecution approach was to present “Republican” witnesses like Mike Pence, who Smith cunningly said he could not discuss as he was restricted from revealing grand jury testimony.
Smith was prepared to present witness testimony from Pence and other political “Republicans” who told President Trump that Joe Biden had legitimately won the election, and Trump needed to concede. This testimony then forms the baseline for the definition of “truthful information” that Trump rejected out of a malice mindset to continue clinging to power.
In essence, Smith defines what is “truth” (Biden won), then outlines how that truthful information was delivered and how President Trump dismissed it. Therefore, President Trump’s “mens-rea”, or state of mind, was one of promoting an intentional falsehood. According to the Lawfare approach selected by Smith, this mindset is the predicate that blocks President Trump from using his First Amendment right to speech as a defense.
Intentional fraud is not allowed under the protections of “free speech.” Jack Smith wanted to prove that President Trump was engaged in intentional fraud, and wanted to prove his mindset therein through the use of Republican political voices who delivered information to President Trump.
Jack Smith sought to define “truth”, and then counter the free speech defense by mob agreement on what constitutes the “truth.” Under this predicate, President Trump was being prosecuted for a thought crime, and Jack Smith sought to legally prove he knew his thoughts.
The only way Jack Smith could prove fraud would be to prove that President Trump believed the information about Joe Biden winning the election. Smith sought to prove Trump’s belief by presenting Republican voices who told President Trump he lost.
Whether you like or dislike President Trump, the issue here is alarming when contemplated.
A man tells you a chicken is a frog, you laugh. The man then brings 15 of your family members to tell you a chicken is a frog. You reject the absurdity of the premise, but the man brings forth hundreds more people to tell you the chicken is a frog, and if you do not accept that Chickens are Frogs, you will be defined as mentally impaired, institutionalized and become a ward of the state.
[WHATFINGER] This unbelievable clip drops the red-pill nuke on the Somali fraud scam! She lays it out cold:
"You can’t afford another kid because childcare is so expensive — but Somali fraudsters got millions of your taxpayer dollars for child care centers that don’t exist."
"You can’t afford a home — but 100 Somalis spent millions of your taxpayer dollars on luxury properties."
"You’re paying $30K a year for terrible health care — while they got millions of your taxpayer dollars for health care centers they never opened."
That’s the corrupt Dem elites exposed raw — putting unvetted migrants and grifters first while screwing over hardworking Americans. They robbed us blind for years and smeared anyone complaining as racist.
Everyday patriots finally shining the light forced the freezes and audits. Trump’s team is cutting off the cash and cleaning house fast. Real Americans are taking our country back! — Bill Mitchell It's not about fraud, criminal activity, immigration, food for the hungry, or assimilation. It's about regime change and conquest.
#2
That poor idiot savant, Kanye West, is seriously bipolar, and rally isn’t responsible for the arrant stupidities that come out of his mouth at either end of his cycles. The pity is that since he is long since legally adult, he can’t be made to accept the treatments that would help him be stable and sane so that he doesn’t sabotage himself by saying aloud all that vicious nonsense so often believed in certain corners of the African-America community.
#7
The fraud needs to be stopped. The criminals including the white politicians need to be held accountable. The manipulation of the system also needs to be studied to close the loopholes. Neighbors that set themselves up as government paid childcare facilities for each other are probably acting lawfully, but it’s a manipulation of the system. Watch each others kids or your own kids. No need for me to bankroll you while you do it beyond the usual welfare safety net.
Posted by: Super Hose ||
01/02/2026 8:52 Comments ||
Top||
#8
Re #1 - author forgot RINO Emmer - who back in 2015 told his constituents to lie back and enjoy it. Since there's no way the Somali's would vote GOP, Emmer had to have another iron or two in the fire.
[BBC] Far smaller and closer to the Sun than it should be, Mercury has long baffled astronomers because it defies much of what we know about planet formation. A new space mission arriving in 2026 might solve the mystery.
At a cursory glance, Mercury might well be the Solar System's dullest planet. Its barren surface has few notable features, there is no evidence of water in its past and the planet's wispy atmosphere is tenuous at best. The likelihood of life being found amidst its scotched craters is non-existent. Yet, look closer and Mercury is a fascinating, improbable world that is shrouded in mystery.
Planetary scientists remain flummoxed by the very existence of the closest planet to our Sun. This peculiar planet is tiny, 20 times less massive than Earth and barely wider than Australia. Yet Mercury is the second densest planet in our Solar System after Earth due to a large, metallic core that accounts for the majority of its mass.
Mercury's orbit – hugging close to our Sun – is also in a weird location that astronomers can't quite explain. All this ties together into one crucial point – we have no idea how Mercury formed. As far as we can tell, the planet simply shouldn't exist.
"It's kind of embarrassing," says Sean Raymond, an expert in planetary formation and dynamics at the University of Bordeaux in France. "There's some key subtlety that we're missing."
The mystery of where Mercury came from, how it formed and why it looks like it does today is one of the grandest mysteries in the Solar System.
Some answers, however, might be on the horizon. A joint European and Japanese mission called BepiColombo launched in 2018 and is currently on its way to Mercury. The probe will be our first visitor to the planet in more than a decade. When it enters orbit in November 2026, after a thruster problem delayed its journey, one of its key goals is to try and work exactly where Mercury came from.
#1
My guess, Mercury was a 'dark planet' on a comet like trajectory that got captured by the sun and most of the lighter elements got blown off by the sun leaving the heavier elements behind.
[MilitantWire] It has been over three years since OpenAI launched ChatGPT, the large language model (LLM), which is now the fastest consumer application to reach 100 million users and has become synonymous with the term “artificial intelligence” (AI).
Since then, a vast array of generative AI tools have entered the market, including chatbots, image, video, and audio generation tools. Much of the research on AI and terrorism has focused on these generative applications, examining how extremist groups might use them to create propaganda, amplify narratives through bot networks, and experiment with personalized “radicalization bots”.
While this body of work has illuminated its impact on the digital realm, more attention needs to be paid to how AI tools, including those under the generative umbrella, are concretely used for operational planning and use by terrorists and violent extremists. This article addresses that gap by exploring how terrorists and violent extremists have leveraged AI in the operational planning of attacks and examines what this tells us about the incentives and benefits of AI use as perceived by perpetrators.
A multi-volume chronology and reference guide set detailing three years of the Mexican Drug War between 2010 and 2012.
Rantburg.com and borderlandbeat.com correspondent and author Chris Covert presents his first non-fiction work detailing
the drug and gang related violence in Mexico.
Chris gives us Mexican press dispatches of drug and gang war violence
over three years, presented in a multi volume set intended to chronicle the death, violence and mayhem which has
dominated Mexico for six years.
Rantburg was assembled from recycled algorithms in the United States of America. No
trees were destroyed in the production of this weblog. We did hurt some, though. Sorry.
