[The Federalist] A recent article in the Financial Times profiled a variety of professionals, including doctors, lawyers, architects, and pharmaceutical executives who openly display tattoos in the workplace. One tattoo artist told FT that 90 percent of her clients are corporate professionals. Ironically, Buc-ee’s, increasingly a nationally recognized brand spreading beyond Texas, just instituted a nationwide policy prohibiting employees from displaying visible tattoos.
Whether you define the cultural phenomenon of tattoos as an act of rebellion or individual expression, its ascendancy is dramatic and ubiquitous. In a single generation, the number of American adults with at least one tattoo has doubled, from about 16 percent in 2003 to 32 percent in 2023. Almost half of Americans between the ages of 30 and 49 have a tattoo. That fact suggests that far from being subversive or individualistic, the tattoo has actually become banal and conformist, yet another trend like podcasts and "influencers" that, once interesting for being novel and exotic, induces sighs, yawns, and even eye-rolls.
WHAT TATTOOS HAVE TO SAY ABOUT OUR CULTURE
There has been plenty of fascinating conservative commentary as tattoos have become increasingly popular in the United States. First Things editor and former academic Mark Bauerlein more than a decade ago provocatively argued that tattoos demand recognition, communicating, "Look at me," in a manner that speaks to a certain type of narcissism and exhibitionism. They also, says Bauerlein, underscore the modern conceit that the body is raw material for autonomous individuals to redesign as they see fit, representing a movement from "the body as physique to the body as text."
Essayist Joseph Epstein labels tattoos as a violation of good taste and proper decorum, in line with (legitimate) complaints about people wearing pajamas in public, including to school or work. Theologian and philosopher Carl Trueman categorizes tattoos as one of many symbols of purportedly nonconformist identity that are so commonplace they now function as safe, conventional markers of rebellion. This is akin to Rage Against the Machine — who, despite their rebellious, anti-corporate screeds, were thoroughly commercialized — releasing their records through billion-dollar business Sony Music Entertainment.
TATTOOS AS A DREAMY-EYED DESIRE TO BE A CELEBRITY
Yet one of my favorite takes on tattoos is that offered by essayist Theodore Dalrymple in his recent book Agatha Christie and the Metaphysics of Murder, in which he connects ink to the contemporary obsession with celebrity. "In modern mass society, people need more than ever to individuate themselves," he writes. He continues:
[FOX] As we approach the 25th anniversary of 9/11, there are many in our country who want us to pretend that the greatest attack on the United States since Pearl Harbor never happened. They want us to look away from the Muslim terrorists who flew planes into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and who drove another plane full of innocents to their deaths in a grassy Pennsylvania field. They want us to forget that on that day in 2001, Americans came under attack for reasons that few understood, from a far-away people who loathe our culture, our freedoms and our country.
When Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., dismissively says, "Some people did something," she is trying to erase the truth. She wants us to forget who it was who purposefully killed 2,977 people who were going about their daily lives, unaware of the Saudi jihadis who schemed and plotted for years to cause as much death and suffering as possible to our great nation.
#2
Yet another product of our government's DEI recruitment and hiring. What was to be expected was realized. Cultural homogeny is our friend, why do we continue to deny him.
Pierre (Peter) Julien Ortiz OBE (July 5, 1913 — May 16, 1988) was a United States Marine Corps colonel who received two Navy Crosses for extraordinary heroism as a major in World War II. He served in North Africa and Europe during the war, as a member of the French Foreign Legion, the Marine Corps, and the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), operating behind enemy lines several times. Ortiz also acted in Hollywood films after the war.
Ortiz was the most highly decorated member of the OSS. Historical matter is posted as Opinion.
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited by Alexey Statsenko
[REGNUM] Eighty-five years ago, Leningrad was besieged. From December 1941 to July 1942, up to half a million people died in the city, but it did not surrender, and its defenders inflicted losses on the enemy. Among them was a unique unit, barely remembered during the Soviet era and only declassified in recent decades. This unit was the Special Purpose Company (RON) of the Baltic Fleet's Intelligence Department.
These were the forerunners of modern Russian combat swimmers, who were called underwater infantry because they didn't swim underwater, but walked.
The modern image of scuba divers is a relatively recent development. The French invented the aqualung in 1943, and fins only appeared in the USSR in the 1950s.
So, the special forces of the RON, created on August 11, 1941, breathed through rebreathers (breathing apparatus that recycle exhaled gas so that a person can reuse it) and moved along the bottom on foot, fortunately the depths in the Gulf of Finland and Lake Ladoga are relatively shallow.
Lieutenant Ivan Prokhvatilov, a former experienced diver from EPRON—an organization that was engaged in the raising of sunken ships and other underwater work in the USSR—was appointed to command the company.
The soldiers cobbled together all their special equipment themselves from materials salvaged from downed balloons. This included diving suits, sealed bags for weapons, ammunition, and explosives, and special inflatable boats with trouser legs cut into the bottoms.
ON ZHUKOV'S PERSONAL ORDERS
In early September 1941, the first mission came: to dislodge the Finnish landing force from an island near the Karelian Isthmus near Vyborg. After three days of preparation and a reconnaissance sortie by two divers, 50 soldiers landed… but the Finns were no longer there.
The next mission was not long in coming. The Leningrad Front command decided to break the siege back in September 1941. A diversionary landing from Lake Ladoga was to be a key component of the operation.
40 RON fighters, on the personal orders of the front commander, General of the Army Georgy Zhukov, were ordered to land on the shore north of Shlisselburg and hold their positions until the main landing forces arrived.
On the night of September 23, a landing party under the command of Prokhvatilov boarded two small boats and set out onto Lake Ladoga in a force six storm, which usually prohibited navigation.
The men were dropped off in icy water 1.5 kilometers from the shore—the boats couldn't get any closer. By the time the soldiers finally reached dry land, many had caught a cold, and the radio was wet, so they couldn't report the successful landing. A day passed, then another, and the main force still hadn't landed. They were dropped off elsewhere, where almost all perished.
Meanwhile, Prokhvatilov’s group ran out of provisions, people were suffering from coughing, and then it was decided to break through.
Early in the morning of September 25, the paratroopers set out to break through. Prokhvatilov led the way. The paratroopers were discovered almost immediately—a group of Germans blocked their path. A corporal ran ahead of the group, shouting especially loudly.
Prokhvatilov pumped three bullets into him with his rifle, knocked out the second German with his rifle butt, and hurled an anti-tank grenade into the thick of the enemy. The sailors leaped to their feet and rushed to break through. Hand-to-hand combat ensued, in which pressure and courage were decisive. The special forces broke through, destroying ten enemy machine-gun nests and up to 80 soldiers. The sailors themselves lost three killed and ten wounded, but they carried everyone back to their own side—no one was left behind.
"SOUP WITH DUMPLINGS"
In November, famine began in Leningrad. Prokhvatilov had to figure out how to feed the people. Working underwater requires that a person not be hungry, otherwise they will lose consciousness. Due to the explosions, the Neva Bay was filled with stunned fish and well-fed seagulls. Specially assigned soldiers collected the former and hunted the latter—this is how Prokhvatilov kept his soldiers combat-ready. The food was disgusting, but nutritious, and that was all that was required.
When the surface of Lake Ladoga became covered with ice, it was decided to build a route across it – the legendary Road of Life.
RON soldiers also participated in its construction. They descended to the seabed and measured the depths, ensuring the route was constructed where the depths were minimal. This made it easier to recover sunken equipment and cargo, which they also did.
When the ice melted, they were involved in laying a cable to supply electricity and a pipeline to pump oil products along the bottom of Lake Ladoga to Leningrad.
Beginning in 1942, the Germans began attempting to disrupt maritime communication between Leningrad and Kronstadt. At night, enemy aircraft constantly dropped mines by parachute in the area of the Sea Canal (running from the city to the naval base).
From the captured shores of the Neva Bay, near Peterhof and Strelna, the Germans launched leaky boats and simple crates of mines, which sank in the fairways. The Gulf of Finland was so full of mines that sailors jokingly called it "dumpling soup."
Soldiers from Prokhvatilov's company had to defuse them. But the mines often had "surprises"—their detonators were connected to a hydrostatic pressure gauge, and when the mines rose to the surface and the pressure dropped, they would detonate.
Special forces solved the mystery. They constructed a special raft with a tripod and a hole in the center. The mine wasn't brought to the surface, but simply attached to the tripod while underwater. The raft, with the mine attached, was then towed to the side, where it would rise and detonate.
Most often, RON soldiers were sent on reconnaissance missions. The front line was frozen in place, making it nearly impossible to penetrate into the enemy's rear. But the enemy couldn't reliably cover the coastline. The Germans soon realized that Russian divers and saboteurs were fighting against them in the Baltic, and they began taking action. They blocked the mouths of rivers and streams with barbed wire.
RON soldiers cut it underwater, leaving the above-water section intact, made their way underwater to the rear, removed their diving gear in the undergrowth, and then set out on their mission in German uniforms, armed with captured weapons and documents. The prisoners were also transported underwater: tied up, stunned, outfitted with a rebreather, and dragged off. If a prisoner died, they went for another.
Back in 1941, a ship lay half-sunk across from Peterhof, which had been captured by the Germans, a few hundred meters from the lower park. A hole was carefully cut into the ship's backside at night for access, and small observation windows were made on the side facing the Germans. RON soldiers would sneak in at dusk and conduct surveillance from there.
It was discovered that at the end of September 1942, the Germans delivered about seven high-speed motorboats to Peterhof by rail. Apparently, they planned to load them with mines from the pier at night, thus establishing a routine operation for mining the fairways of the Neva Bay.
EXPLOSION IN PETERHOF
Kronstadt was the heart of Leningrad's defense—it supplied the coastal batteries and the Oranienbaum bridgehead. It housed a naval base, supporting the defense with their guns and covering the skies with anti-aircraft guns. Blockading Kronstadt would have been a major problem—the pier had to be blown up immediately.
To detonate the mines, the special forces decided to use two naval mines dating back to the Tsarist era. By attaching weights to them, they achieved neutral buoyancy, so they would neither sink nor float, but remain submerged. They then placed other mines on top of the mines, magnetic triggers with timers.
On November 6, 1942, a boat carrying mines and three divers approached within 400 meters of the pier. To avoid getting lost, they tied themselves to each other. A spool of telephone wire was attached to the boat's bow, which unwound as they moved. The lead diver navigated by compass. The others followed, towing the mines. Half an hour later, they reached the pier.
Just then, a searchlight flashed on, and sledgehammers began to pound the deck—a new shift of German sappers had begun work—it was time to clear out. Holding on to the wire, the divers carefully made their way across the bottom to their boat in 15 minutes.
The RON fighters fashioned a makeshift sail from oars and groundsheets and reached the opposite side of the Neva Bay in just two hours. An explosion caught them at sea. Observers from the sunken steamship reported: "At 9:12 a.m., two explosions were observed almost simultaneously in the area of the Peterhof pier. Amidst the rising columns of smoke and fire, people and pieces of the pier were clearly visible flying upward." The note concluded: "They did not fall back."
FIND U-250
After the blockade was broken in 1944, fighting for the Karelian Isthmus began, during which Prokhvatilov was seriously wounded. He had not yet fully recovered when news arrived that German submarines, previously unknown, had begun operating in the Gulf of Finland. At midday on July 30, 1944, one of them, the U-250 commanded by Lieutenant Commander Werner Schmidt, was sunk by our small "hunter" MO-103. Six German submariners, including the commander, surfaced alive.
Prokhvatilov was ordered to search the bottom for the submarine so it could be raised to the surface. However, the search yielded nothing, so he asked to interrogate Schmidt. He dared the German, daring him to lie about not being able to get to the Björkösund Strait, where he was sunk. The submariner angrily revealed exactly where he had been and where he had been attacked.
On August 5, the RON commander, along with his best men, once again headed to the location of the U-250 on the seabed in a diving boat. The diving boat soon anchored, and the special forces began their work. The submarine was found on the third attempt—it lay smashed into a rock, listing at a 30-degree angle. The hatch in the conning tower was open. However, accessing it in light diving gear was problematic—the boat lay at a depth of 30 meters, the maximum allowed for light divers. When the men surfaced, bloody foam was coming from their mouths.
Prokhvatilov sent an experienced diver in heavy gear into the boat. Although unnerved by the crew's bodies floating inside, he found the captain's cabin and a pencil case with charts.
Among the recovered documents, a map of the fairway used by German submarines to penetrate the eastern Gulf of Finland was discovered. But even more important was the presence of the latest acoustic torpedoes on board. The U-250 was subsequently raised, but this was done by EPRON divers.
The Baltic Fleet Headquarters's Intelligence Department demonstrated in practice the enormous potential of underwater special forces. Building on this experience, permanent combat swimmer units were created in the Navy in 1956
[DailySignal] Who ultimately decides how the executive branch works? Is it the president, elected by the American people, or career federal employees and the unions that represent them?
The American Federation of Government Employees, the largest union representing federal employees, sued the White House’s Office of Personnel Management last month, aiming to block new rules governing how federal employees are evaluated, disciplined, and removed.
The lawsuit represents only the latest in a long series of legal challenges the union has brought against President Donald Trump’s administration since January 2025. According to a July roundup AFGE posted on its website, the union had filed 18 lawsuits against the administration before the latest case.
These lawsuits have targeted a wide range of administration initiatives, including government-wide reorganizations, workforce reductions, collective bargaining restrictions, employee classification reforms, and changes to federal personnel rules.
AFGE has been far from alone in these cases. Democracy Forward,
…Democrat Party-affiliated group launched in 2017 to fight President Trump with lawfare. The Marc Elias-led group brags that it took Trump to court more than 100 times in his first term in office...
a left-leaning legal advocacy organization that has represented plaintiffs in numerous lawsuits challenging Trump policies, has represented AFGE or other plaintiffs in these cases. Such challenges have involved broad coalitions, including advocacy groups and local governments, alongside labor unions.
Critics argue that these cases amount to more than traditional labor litigation, representing a form of institutional resistance from federal employees and their allies against an elected administration’s effort to reshape the executive branch.
AFGE rejects that characterization. A union spokesman told The Daily Signal that issues involving “politicization of government, corruption, and the refusal to recognize legally valid union contracts” are inseparable from “the everyday experience of federal workers.” The spokesman also accused the administration of engaging in “illegal and retaliatory union-busting” and broader efforts to “rig the system.”
Unions such as AFGE have every right to represent the interests of their members, but these cases concern questions extending beyond wages, benefits, or traditional workplace conditions. They challenge the administration’s attempts to reorganize agencies, alter personnel systems, and change how the bureaucracy operates.
Michael Watson, research director for the Capital Research Center, told the Daily Signal that “it should not be surprising that the professional Left and the AFGE are working hand-in-glove,” given the ideological bent of the labor movement.
He said AFGE’s moves amount to “the representative organ of the federal civil service attempting to enact its own policy preferences through litigation.” He also noted, however, that the Trump administration “is attempting to weaken the power of unions like AFGE to carry out their own policy preferences against the policies laid out by the people’s elected representatives and the executive officers who have been chosen to carry out the laws made by Congress.”
Four cases illustrate the nature of this litigation.
Details at the link.
1. The DOGE Lawsuit
In April 2025, AFGE led a large coalition in suing to block Trump’s Executive Order 14210, which established the Department of Government Efficiency and aimed to reduce the federal workforce to increase efficiency in the executive branch.
2. A National Security Decision
In April 2025, AFGE sued to block Trump’s Executive Order 14251, which exempted certain agencies from collective bargaining rules due to their “primary function” of “intelligence, countertintelligence, investigative, or national security work.”
3. Schedule Policy/Career
In January 2025, AFGE, AFSCME, AFL-CIO, and other unions led by Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility, sued to block Trump’s Executive Order 14171, which created a new category for federal workers called “Schedule Policy/Career.”
4. Performance Standards
This summer, the Office of Personnel Management finalized two rules regarding how federal employees are evaluated and can be removed.
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] Israel's anti-Iranian operation "Lion's Roar" continues to unravel. Specifically, details of the Mossad intelligence agency's failed operation to destroy the Iranian vertical power structure have leaked online.
Operation Puss in Boots envisioned a combination of several plans—from organizing a rebellion in the rear to a coup in Tehran—and former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was arguably intended to play a special role. However, these plans were never realized.
COMBINE PLANS
"Puss in Boots" was born, first and foremost, for reasons of optimization.
By January 2026, Israeli intelligence agencies had too many operational plans in the works, all of which were essentially aimed at the same task: breaking the resistance within Iran.
In addition to its ongoing attempts to harness economic protests in the Islamic Republic, Mossad sought ways to strengthen the authority of opposition leaders in exile (primarily a descendant of the last deposed Shah), split the Iranian ruling class, and provoke an “ethnic revolution” in the periphery.
Given the multiple overlaps, the operations were combined into a single multi-move operation dubbed "Puss in Boots." The new plan envisioned launching several simultaneous attacks: inciting rebellion in remote provinces, provoking student protests in the capital, and orchestrating a coup in the highest echelons of power.
The intelligence agency has decided to place a backup bet on Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, known for his anti-American and anti-Israeli rhetoric. Apparently, this is in case the Iranian government fails to collapse after the uprising in the periphery and consolidates around determined or odious figures.
In this context, the hawkish and ultra-conservative Ahmadinejad seemed a very likely candidate for the presidency, and his fierce rhetoric about "uprooting Zionism from the Middle East" would clearly resonate widely with the Iranian street and, more importantly, with most of the elite. Although Ahmadinejad's ability to govern was doubted until the very end.
However, given that the main goal of "Lion's Roar" was to decapitate the republic, Israel decided to take the risk. But it was done in such a way as to avoid arousing any premature suspicions.
On February 28, the first day of the "Lion's Roar," Ahmadinejad's residence was bombed. As was later revealed, the strike hit the outbuildings housing the former president's armored vehicle and his personal security detail.
The former president himself was in another wing at the time and was unharmed. Almost immediately after the attack, a black Peugeot with false license plates pulled up to the scene. It picked up Ahmadinejad and fled in an unknown direction shortly before emergency services arrived. A second attack was then launched against the residence, this time targeting the main building.
Thanks to this combination, Iranian elites were convinced for a time that Ahmadinejad had perished under the rubble along with his guards. Iranian state television even managed to label him a martyr.
At this time, the ex-president was allegedly hiding in a “secret hideout” somewhere far from the capital and was supposed to remain there until the final stage of the operation.
However, what happened next was something no source could explain: Ahmadinejad suddenly refused to cooperate and returned to Tehran, where, according to several reports, he took refuge under the wing of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
At the same time, the authorities were in no particular hurry to debunk the myth of the former president's death, apparently intending to wait for the Israelis to take further steps. But they chose not to take any more risks and canceled "Puss in Boots."
Ahmadinejad was subsequently detained as an accomplice of the enemy – at least, this is the version the Israelis insist on.
WHOSE IDEA?
It's not known for certain who exactly proposed Ahmadinejad as a puppet (and who should be held de facto responsible for the failure of this ambitious operation). Depending on the source, the information varies almost diametrically.
Media outlets close to the government, through which the leak was largely made, hint that the author of the plan was the now former head of Mossad, David Barnea, whose confidants had been "guiding" Ahmadinejad since at least 2024.
It is alleged that Israeli intelligence agents found a way to convert the former president's disappointment at being denied new elections (in favor of the more predictable and manageable Said Jalili) into loyalty and win him over to their side. They even went so far as to secretly pay him for housing and travel, and intelligence agents repeatedly arranged "chance" meetings in third countries.
According to leaked documents, Barnea personally met with Ahmadinejad several times. He spoke with him in early February 2026 in Budapest (approximately a week and a half before the "Lion's Roar"), where Ahmadinejad traveled incognito under the pretext of medical treatment. In Israeli intelligence reports, Ahmadinejad was codenamed "Friend."
In addition, Barnea defended his candidacy to the country's leadership and insisted that relying on "flexible reformists" (for example, former Foreign Minister and "architect" of the US-Iran nuclear deal Mohammad Javad Zari ) would neither help him retain the reins of power for long, nor would it help him collapse Iran.
The opposition press, on the contrary, has labeled Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the ideologist behind "Puss in Boots." Netanyahu reportedly insisted on implementing this plan, even when one of its key components—the Kurdish uprising in the border region—failed due to the refusal of nationalist underground fighters to fight without US support.
He defended Ahmadinejad, and during meetings, the source says, even called him "a great friend of Israel." It's possible, however, that the source took the Israeli prime minister's characteristic sarcasm at face value.
LET BYGONES BE BYGONES...
It is noteworthy that details of Operation Puss in Boots were partially leaked to the press back in mid-July, when the New York Times published (citing unnamed sources) a major investigation into the fate of the "suddenly resurrected" Ahmadinejad.
However, no attention was paid to who exactly originated the controversial idea. Repeated leaks in September only further polarized opinion.
However, while few paid attention to the revelations in the summer, a month before the Israeli Knesset elections, the story took on almost symbolic significance. Netanyahu and Barnea found themselves on opposite sides of the fence, searching for ways to further antagonize their opponent.
And so, at the first opportunity, they once again rushed to blame each other for the fact that their "high-ranking mole" ultimately "through his own stupidity" ended up in the hands of Iranian counterintelligence and thwarted an ambitious operation. Even though official Tehran never acknowledged the arrest of the former president.
Be that as it may, Ahmadinejad's public activity has indeed declined sharply in recent months. He was last seen in public in July 2026, attending a meeting of the Expediency Council's economic commission, where he served as one of the speakers. A few days later, he participated in memorial services for Ali Khamenei. Since then, he has not been invited to any major public events.
Ahmadinejad's aides have vehemently denied reports of his arrest, blaming his absence from public view on his "poor health" following Israeli strikes on his residence. However, requests to dispel the speculation—for example, by recording a video message—have been met with a categorical refusal.
It's possible that such caution is dictated by orders from above. Ahmadinejad disappeared from public view in much the same way as Ismail Qaani, whom the Israeli press previously called one of the organizers of the assassination of Khamenei Sr. and "the greatest mole of the 21st century."
But in July 2026, Qaani appeared at the funeral ceremonies as if nothing had happened and was subsequently seen repeatedly in the entourage of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei. This indicates that attempts to tarnish his reputation in the eyes of the new leadership had failed.
Tehran is not inclined to organize a witch hunt, especially when the warnings about betrayal at the top come exclusively from the mouths of its strategic opponents.
At the same time, there are many in Iran's conservative camp who want to completely remove the former president from the game, including due to his unpredictability and impulsiveness.
As the reformist bloc led by President Masoud Pezeshkian suffers ever greater image costs from the increasing sanctions pressure on Iran, the desire for decisive change and a show of force – from a final withdrawal from negotiations with the US to acquiring nuclear weapons – is growing among ordinary citizens.
This is precisely what radical hawks like Ahmadinejad promise hotheads. Any attempt to harness such revanchist sentiments is guaranteed to upset the balance between the president and the supreme leader, who, despite his assertive rhetoric, prefers to remain pragmatic, and provoke a rift. The Israelis will be quick to exploit this.
Therefore, "Puss in Boots" effectively ends Ahmadinejad's political career. Even if the reports of his arrest and treason charges are an Israeli hoax, the former president will clearly have to put any high-profile positions in Iranian public policy on hold for now. At least until the situation in the region stabilizes.
by Dana Polak
September 8, 2026
[IsraelAlma] On September 6, an altercation between Hezbollah and Amal operatives was reported in the village of Arabsalim, in the Nabatieh District. The confrontation reportedly stemmed from an attempt by Hezbollah to move operatives and weapons between homes in the village, prompting opposition from individuals affiliated with Amal who feared that Hezbollah’s military activity would expose residents’ homes to Israeli strikes.
That same morning, the IDF issued a targeted evacuation warning for a building in Arabsalim and the buildings adjacent to it, stating that a Hezbollah facility was located nearby. A short time later, the building was struck.
The incident in Arabsalim does not stand alone. In recent months, additional frictions have been reported between individuals affiliated with Amal and Hezbollah in Kfar Hatta (January 2026) and al-Baysariyah (June 2026), likewise surrounding Hezbollah activity and infrastructure within civilian areas.
Relations between Hezbollah and the Amal Movement have long been characterized by a combination of cooperation and rivalry. The two movements cooperate in the political arena as well as on the military level. Since October 2023, Amal operatives have participated alongside Hezbollah in the fighting against Israel, and some have been killed in the course of this activity. At the same time, behind the unity of the so-called “Shiite duo,” there has long been competition between the two movements for power, influence, and control within Lebanon’s Shiite community.
The identity of the villages where these frictions occurred is also significant. These are not clear-cut Hezbollah strongholds: both movements have a presence in all three. Kfar Hatta is considered a traditional Amal stronghold; in al-Baysariyah, the movement has a significant and well-established local presence; and in Arabsalim, the local balance of power between the two movements is more closely matched and is even reflected in the distribution of power within the municipality.
A multi-volume chronology and reference guide set detailing three years of the Mexican Drug War between 2010 and 2012.
Rantburg.com and borderlandbeat.com correspondent and author Chris Covert presents his first non-fiction work detailing
the drug and gang related violence in Mexico.
Chris gives us Mexican press dispatches of drug and gang war violence
over three years, presented in a multi volume set intended to chronicle the death, violence and mayhem which has
dominated Mexico for six years.
Rantburg was assembled from recycled algorithms in the United States of America. No
trees were destroyed in the production of this weblog. We did hurt some, though. Sorry.
[DailySignal] Who ultimately decides how the executive branch works? Is it the president, elected by the American people, or career federal employees and the unions that represent them?
