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Down Under
Terror's new breeding ground
2010-02-28
Late last year, under the watchful eye of Australia's security services, Sydney man "Abdullah" boarded a plane out of Mascot airport, bound for the Middle East. An associate of the nine-man cell that was recently convicted of preparing for a terrorist act in Sydney, the man had been under close surveillance for several years. But on this occasion, it was his destination that set red lights flashing in counter-terrorism circles. He was travelling to Yemen, now regarded among CT professionals as "the new Afghanistan" for al-Qa'ida, and a magnet for Australian and other Western supporters of the global jihadist cause.

Abdullah was one of at least 20 Australians known to have travelled to Yemen in recent years, whose movements are being monitored by ASIO and counter-terrorism police. The group includes several people with links to the convicted terrorists who were sentenced last Monday in Sydney to up to 28 years in jail. Their activities illustrate a key point of the federal government's white paper on counter-terrorism released last week: that successes against al-Qa'ida and its affiliates in Afghanistan and Pakistan have been offset by the rise of militancy elsewhere, most notably in Yemen and neighbouring Somalia. And Australia is directly at risk as a result.

Australia's ambassador for counter-terrorism Bill Paterson reinforced the point at a national security conference in Sydney on Thursday, saying Yemen and North Africa have become "new safe havens" for global jihadists. "Yemen especially is at risk of becoming a magnet for radicalised individuals from elsewhere to join together to train and perhaps take the step from radicalism to violent extremism, and then to project back into other parts of the globe," Paterson says.

Equally worrying for the authorities are contacts between certain suspected radicals in Australia and the newly notorious American-born Yemeni-based cleric Anwar al-Awlaki. To the concern of Australian authorities, counter-terrorism agencies have monitored a stream of communications between Awlaki's group in Yemen and a small circle of followers in Australia. The contacts include mobile phone and email messages. Videotaped copies of Awlaki's sermons, in which he espouses the cause of violent jihad, have also been circulated among this group. "His teachings are of great concern to us," Detective Superintendent John O'Reilly, Commander of the NSW Police Counter-Terrorism and Special Tactics Operations Group, tells The Australian.

The activities of Abdullah, who has not returned to Australia since his recent trip to Yemen, illustrate why Australian authorities are so concerned. Abdullah had only recently had his passport returned by ASIO, after it was confiscated when he was judged "likely to support or participate in acts of politically motivated violence". ASIO's interest in him dates back to 2000 when, after doing the haj pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia, he continued to Pakistan with a group of friends from Sydney who went on to train with the Pakistani militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba, which had not at that stage been banned in Australia. When interviewed later by the Australian Federal Police, Abdullah denied undergoing training. However former Guantanamo Bay inmate David Hicks told the AFP that he and Abdullah trained in the same camp at the same time.

Abdullah was interviewed by ASIO seven times between 2000 and 2004, and several more times after that date. His home was raided in 2002 and again in 2005. The agency's interest was piqued by the fact he was working at the Indo-Malay halal butchery in Lakemba in Sydney's southwest, which was run by an Indonesian-Australian identified as the deputy leader of the Australian branch of the Indonesian militant group, Jemaah Islamiah. The butchery, which was under surveillance and had its phones tapped, was also a contact point for the French terrorist Willie Brigitte in 2003.

Abdullah was investigated again during Operation Pendennis, which resulted in the arrests and convictions of the nine-man Sydney terror cell, the last of whom were sentenced last week. Evidence produced by the crown revealed that Abdullah had been involved in the purchase of laboratory equipment with one of the cell members. He claimed it was for use in his perfume business. However, judge Anthony Whealy said in his sentencing remarks that the equipment "was plainly to be used for the purposes of the conspiracy". The police were keen to charge Abdullah but the evidence against him was deemed to be weaker than that against the nine men who were ultimately charged.

Abdullah had first planned to move to Yemen with his wife and eight children in 2004, but his passport was confiscated by ASIO on the eve of his departure. He told ASIO his visa to Yemen had been arranged by a friend from Sydney, a Polish-born Australian, Marek Samulski, who was already living in Yemen. Samulski was arrested in the Yemeni capital Sanaa in October 2006, and accused by Yemeni police of being part of an al-Qa'ida ring that was funnelling weapons to the Islamist insurgency in neighbouring Somalia.

Two other Australians, who had long been of keen interest to security agencies, were also detained in the Sanaa raid. They were two brothers, Mustafa and Ilyas bin Ayub, the sons of one-time Australian JI leader, Abdul Rahim Ayub, and his former wife, Sydney woman Rabiah Hutchinson. The brothers had travelled to Yemen to undertake Islamic studies and lived in the same apartment block as Samulski. The Yemeni Interior Ministry claimed initially that the three Australians had confessed to involvement in al-Qa'ida weapons smuggling. But the Ayub brothers were released without charge after seven weeks, when their Yemeni lawyer announced that the allegations against them had been found to be false. Samulski was detained for longer while his file was referred to terrorism prosecutors for possible charges. But he too was ultimately released without charge. He has not returned to Australia since.
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Afghanistan
Hotline to the jihad
2009-12-06
In September, I rather cheekily requested a dialogue with a prominent Islamic militant. Egyptian-born Abu Walid al-Masri is a legendary figure in mujaheddin circles. A 30-year veteran of jihad, he was known during the Soviet-Afghan war for his prowess as a military strategist. Years later, he became the first foreigner to swear allegiance to Taliban leader Mullah Omar.

He counts among his old friends Osama bin Laden and the senior leadership of al-Qa'ida, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan as well as Taliban-linked military commander Jalaluddin Haqqani. He was once married to Sydney woman Rabiah Hutchinson, whom he wed in Afghanistan.

Abu Walid is also a prolific author. He began writing in 1978 after leaving southern Lebanon, where he fought against Israeli forces. When he joined the Afghan jihad in 1979, he reported on the conflict for several publications. He became committed to the idea of establishing an Islamic state in Afghanistan. When the Taliban came to power, Abu Walid became involved in its media activities, writing for its magazines and working as Kandahar correspondent for the al-Jazeera television station.

He has also written 12 books that give a candid history of foreign fighters in Afghanistan. They have generated controversy because of his criticism of al-Qa'ida, who he believes caused the downfall of the Taliban. When the Taliban regime fell after the 2001 US invasion, Abu Walid fled to Iran, where was he detained and put under house arrest. Unable to return to fight in Afghanistan, Abu Walid is instead conducting jihad using his pen.

Recently he provided strategic advice to the Taliban in their insurgency against coalition forces, suggesting they take foreign hostages to use as bargaining chips to secure the release of prisoners held by the US and to assist in forcing its withdrawal from the country. He has also returned to writing for its magazine.

When I asked to talk to him, I hoped he might share his views on the history of foreign fighters in Afghanistan and explain the nature of al-Qa'ida's relationship with the Taliban, as well as his relationship with these two groups. Asking him was a long shot. Especially since he was aware I am a former counter-terrorism analyst turned academic who specialises in al-Qa'ida. To my amazement, he agreed. For the past two months we have engaged in a dialogue, much of which has played out publicly via our respective blogs.

In the process, we have discovered we agree on some things: most notably that al-Qa'ida has done its dash in the Islamic world. Abu Walid believes al-Qa'ida's actions have caused more harm than good.
He laments that "jihad has become synonymous with the explosive belt and the car bomb . . . and this is a real disaster because war is not indiscriminate killing".
The terrorism war, he tells me, has proven "to be far from the mood of the Muslim people and the result has been popular hatred towards it". He laments that "jihad has become synonymous with the explosive belt and the car bomb . . . and this is a real disaster because war is not indiscriminate killing".

According to Abu Walid, the dominant mood within the jihadist milieu is that "guns and bombs are the only approved means for change". He questions this, asking "who said that carrying the weapon is the only choice and is inevitable?" And he says al-Qa'ida's reliance on suicide attacks leads observers to think it has "a surplus of fighters' lives and would like to get rid of them".

When I ask him about al-Qa'ida's objectives, he tells me it lacks strategic vision and instead relies on "shiny slogans" around which to rally its troops. He also thinks it is an authoritarian organisation, telling me bin Laden runs al-Qa'ida with "absolute individual leadership". This makes it "the first private sector jihad organisation in Muslim history". He is concerned the "extremely negative" outcome of this experience "may be replicated in the future" with other groups and draws an analogy of jihadi groups operating in the future in a similar way to Western mercenary organisations. Such criticism of al-Qa'ida is virtually unheard of among jihadists. Especially from someone who still considers its leaders his friends, has not been excommunicated by them and continues to write for Taliban's publications.

Abu Walid has also railed against allegations he has been a member of al-Qa'ida and that his criticism of the organisation represents a split in the movement. He does not deny his old friendship and activities with them but says he "was never a day within the al-Qa'ida organisation to break away from it". And he also acknowledges his advice and criticism of al-Qa'ida and other groups causes controversy and "makes the sound of loud bombs".

In his most recent letter to me, where he responded to an article I wrote for The Australian on al-Qa'ida's Afghanistan strategy, he dropped the loudest bomb of all. He tells me the Taliban will no longer welcome al-Qa'ida in Afghanistan. Their return would make matters more complicated for the Taliban because "the majority of the population is against al-Qa'ida".
According to Abu Walid, the differences between al-Qa'ida and the Taliban are greater now than they were before the war. Not only is al-Qa'ida unwelcome in Afghanistan but so are other salafist groups who previously operated in the country.
According to Abu Walid, the differences between al-Qa'ida and the Taliban are greater now than they were before the war. Not only is al-Qa'ida unwelcome in Afghanistan but so are other salafist groups who previously operated in the country.

He believes that disassociation is required. He tells me "if the link between the Taliban and al-Qa'ida is not broken the results will be bad for the Taliban and Afghanistan". And he thinks that the Taliban should also move away from the salafist movement so it can be liberated "from all of the restrictions that hinder its political options".

Last week, US special envoy Richard Holbrooke reiterated that the US would be willing to negotiate with the Taliban if it renounces al-Qa'ida. The Taliban is unlikely to renounce al-Qa'ida, but Abu Walid's letter indicates that it may disassociate. How much this counts for in the Afghan end game, and whether the Taliban will do so, remains to be seen. And, of course, this is not Mullah Omar's view, but Abu Walid's.

When I ask Abu Walid about negotiating with the Taliban, he replies with a quote by former US secretary of state George Shultz who said negotiations "are a euphemism for capitulation if the shadow of power is not cast across the bargaining table". The Taliban is all too aware of this. Omar's statement last week addressed the issue and rejected coming to the negotiation table.

He said the "invading Americans want mujaheddin to surrender under the pretext of the negotiation. This is something impossible". Abu Walid says the US is now trying to spread the shadow of power across Afghanistan, but that it has already "lost its lead and lacks the will and capacity to win the war".

While the US-led coalition is examining options to negotiate an outcome to the war, he says the Taliban's senior leadership trusts no one beyond its borders, not even the states who formerly recognised it: Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates. This may explain the Taliban's recent statements where it portrayed itself as willing to establish friendly and responsible relations with its neighbours and other countries. These statements also mark a discrete but important move away from al-Qa'ida and militant salafist ideologies.
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Down Under
Australia must join Muslim Asia or perish - Taliban
2009-11-06
AN official Taliban publication warns Australia that it will have to assimilate into a dominant Asia or face the prospect of being overpowered and forced to take population overspill from Asia.

The choice is spelled out in the latest issue of the online Taliban monthly magazine, Al Sumud (Steadfastness), whose lead article offers a sweeping view of a post-war order in which a Taliban-ruled Afghanistan becomes a moral pivot for a pan-Asian renaissance that will coincide with the decline of Western power.

"The end of European leadership in the world will place the white settler diaspora in Australia before two choices," writes the author, Mustafa Hamid, a former senior al-Qaeda member who in 2001 married Australian Rabiah Hutchinson, a Sydney mother with links to Islamic extremists.

"It can either return to its motherland in Europe or reconcile with its Asian surroundings and assimilate into it as a wealthy and active member."

Otherwise, he warns, a lengthy conflict will ensue in which Australia will be overpowered "by Asian waves that are better armed and more numerous".

"There is no doubt that the huge growth in the population of Asia, together with its economic and military development, will make Australia into lebensraum - to use the European term," writes Mr Hamid. Lebensraum, meaning living space, was a term used by Nazi Germany as a motivation for territorial conquest.

Asia, Mr Hamid writes, is facing a population explosion "while Australia is nearly empty of people, apart from scattered groups of white residents".

Residents of "the Israeli outpost" at the other end of Asia are likewise warned to return to their countries of origin or face an "unequal conflict".

These warnings, however, are marginal to the central vision offered in the article - the emergence of a vibrant pan-Asian identity in which Islam, and the Taliban in particular, constitutes a powerful moral and cultural force but not an exclusive one. Its emphasis on pan-Asian political identity rather than pan-Islamic sets it apart from al-Qaeda ideology.

The Taliban article does not call for jihad, although it hints at the possibility of "peaceful Islamic expansion" and the linchpin role in the "Asian Age", as the author terms it, is ceded to non-Islamic China.

More here
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Down Under
I don't want to know, says Yemen detainees' father
2006-11-03
The Indonesian father of the two Australian men facing terrorism charges in Yemen has distanced himself from his sons and his Australian ex-wife. Speaking through his brother, Abdul Rahim Ayub told The Australian newspaper over the phone that his arrested sons "no longer had anything to do with [him]".

The former leader of the Mantiqi Four Jemaah Islamiyah cell in Australia was contacted by Rabiah Hutchinson after their sons, 21-year-old Abdullah Ayub and 19-year-old Muhammed Ayub, were arrested in Yemen. However he told his ex-wife "this is no business of mine, I don't know and I don't want to know".

The Ayub brothers currently live in Tangerang on the outskirts of Jakarta. Their exact location is unclear but is known to Indonesian authorities, who have no evidence the brothers are involved in any wrongdoing.
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Down Under
Kings Cross station 'suicide plot'
2006-11-01
The two Sydney brothers arrested in Yemen as suspected al-Qaeda terrorists were being watched last year by authorities who foiled a suicide bomb plot aimed at Sydney's Kings Cross railway station, newspapers said today.

Mohammed and Abdullah Ayub were arrested in a CIA sting last month along with a third Australian, Polish-born Marat Sumolsky, 35, who lives overseas, according to reports.

The three are among a group of eight foreigners with suspected links to al-Qaeda who are facing terrorism charges in Yemen over an alleged plot to smuggle arms to Somalia.

The Ayub boys were being watched because their father, Abdul Rahim Ayub, and his twin brother, Abdul Rahman Ayub, were believed to be the Jemaah Islamiah agents who set up a Sydney cell called Mantiqi4, before the 2000 Olympics.

Their Australian-born mother, who reportedly swapped hippie beads for a burqa in Indonesia, heads a radical Islamic wives club whose husbands were arrested over the Kings Cross plot, newspapers report.

Rabiah Hutchinson is in Yemen with her jailed sons, aged 18 and 20.

The Ayubs' Sydney lawyer, Adam Houda, says his clients have done nothing wrong.

Australian consular officials are expected to be granted access to the trio today.
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Down Under
Aussie terror suspects 'sons of JI gun'
2006-11-01
Two of the Australian terrorism suspects arrested in Yemen are reportedly the young sons of a Jemaah Islamiah agent.
The brothers, aged 18 and 20, are the sons of Abdul Rahim Ayub, who set up a Jemaah Islamiah cell in Australia and fled after the Bali bombings.
Fairfax reports the brothers, aged 18 and 20, are the sons of Abdul Rahim Ayub, who set up a Jemaah Islamiah cell in Australia and fled after the Bali bombings. Their mother, Australian-born Rabiah Hutchinson, who grew up in the NSW town of Mudgee, is possibly more radical than the father.

The couple met in Indonesia, after Ms Hutchinson became a strict Muslim, and they wed in 1984. Her husband's twin brother, Abdul Rahman Ayub, reportedly fought alongside Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.

Ms Hutchinson is in Yemen with her sons, Mohammed Ayub and Abdullah Ayub, Fairfax reports.
They are part of a group - that has been under ASIO scrutiny for years - insisting they went to Yemen to further their religious instruction.
They are part of a group - that has been under ASIO scrutiny for years - insisting they went to Yemen to further their religious instruction. A third Australian, with Polish heritage, was arrested in Yemen with the brothers. Australian consular officials are on their way to Yemen to meet three Australian terrorism suspects.

News Ltd reports that a fourth Australian may have been arrested in Yemen over the plot. The men are among a group of eight foreigners with suspected links to al-Qaeda who are facing terrorism charges in Yemen over an alleged plot to smuggle arms to Somalia.

Sydney lawyer Adam Houda is representing the Ayub brothers and has concerns about their welfare, citing Yemen's poor human rights record. Mr Houda said his clients had done nothing wrong. "We're talking about two kids here, one's 18 and one is 20, innocent of all claims or any links with terrorism," he said. He described claims that they had links to al-Qaeda as "totally ridiculous". Mr Houda was reluctant to discuss whether the brothers' had links to men who reportedly helped set up a Jemaah Islamiah (JI) cell in Australia.
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