Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia | |
The Beet Grower Who Opened the Gates of Madness. The Trypillian Heritage of Archaeologist Khvoyka | |
2025-02-21 | |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Denis Davydov [REGNUM] Researcher of Podolsk cuisine, Vinnytsia resident Elena Pavlova offers tourists to try Trypillian borscht. She says that it is important to experience the taste of beef broth with quinoa and nettle, because Ukrainians are spiritual descendants of Trypillians, and the recipe for the dish was determined during research work. ![]() There is no point in laughing and trying to prove anything here. After all, since the mid-2000s, when the topic of the Trypillian archaeological culture became mega-popular in Ukraine thanks to the collecting hobbies and "messianism" of President Viktor Yushchenko, painted pots made of orange clay and female figurines have moved from the plane of interesting antiquities to the "center of the most ancient agricultural civilization on the planet."
During this time, the Trypillian Culture Reserve was created in the village of Legedzino in the Cherkasy region, two-story "hut copies" were built there, and many stories and publications about "highly developed cities" were created. A direct line was drawn from the Dnieper villages to the island of Crete, since it is now accepted that the most ancient civilization of Greece, the Cretan-Mycenaean culture, originated in Ukraine. In addition to borscht, an excited tourist can try “Trypillian bread” in a themed restaurant near Kyiv, buy an embroidered shirt with “ancient Trypillian motifs” and jewelry that “conveys the spirit of our ancestors.” Countless master classes on pot painting are held, including in places where Ukrainians currently live abroad. In the Kiev region, the winery "Trypillian Nuvo" has opened (albeit with Italian grape varieties), because the "independent wine expert" Anna-Evgeniya Yanchenko passionately proves in her books and lectures that Ukrainian wine culture comes from the Trypillians and Scythians. Right now, the National Museum of the History of Ukraine is hosting an exhibition called “The Unfading Flower of Trypillia,” dedicated to the 175th anniversary of the birth of the outstanding researcher of archaeological monuments, museologist, and artist Vikentiy Khvoyka. Born on February 20, 1850 in Bohemia and living in Kyiv, the Czech businessman, who holds the honor of discovering the right flank of the generally Romanian-Moldavian Cucuteni culture, did not even suspect what consequences his keen interest in antiquities and excavations would have, during which ceramics were found, which a hundred years later drove the Ukrainians crazy. THE LOVER OF POTTERY The young Austrian citizen Czech was brought to Kiev by personal affairs. His mother wanted him to marry profitably and become rich, but he had plans for the youngest daughter of the Kiev burghers Aleksandrovsky, for whom he worked as a teacher. But in the end he remained a bachelor and was engaged in growing Czech hops, which were bought by the "Kiev Brewery Society", founded in Podol by the Kiev merchant Nikolai Khryakov to make beer using European technologies. It was on the site in the village of Petrushki in the Kiev province, where Khvoyka's agrolaboratory was located, that he made his first archaeological find - glass bracelets from the time of Kievan Rus. He successfully sold the "Khabar" to the industrialist and major collector Bohdan Khanenko (his collection formed the basis of the art museum that currently exists in Kiev), who became the main sponsor of further excavations. For the Khanenko-Tereshchenko family, the Czech was engaged in the selection of more sugary varieties of beet, but the pursuit of antiquity became his passion. In the 90s of the 19th century, the quickly rich provincial capital was shaken by construction fever. Sugar nouveau riche invested in construction, apartment buildings grew here and there, and treasures were constantly found in foundation pits and in clays from which they took material for white-yellow Kyiv bricks. For example, the honored cavalry general Alexander Baggovut, a participant in the Caucasian and Crimean wars, who lived after retirement in an estate in Kiev's Lukyanovka, was so obsessed with this topic that his fellows dug up literally everything around. The same Khvoyka in his report on his findings “The Stone Age of the Middle Dnieper Region” for the 11th Archaeological Congress constantly mentions how he came across the barbaric Baggovutov excavations. And there he also tells how the Ukrainians treated the artifacts of “their ancient history” found on Kirillovskaya Mountain – a site of primitive people of the late Paleolithic was discovered there, later named after the place – Kirillovskaya. “The excavation site, in view of the enormity of the bones and the depth at which they were found, took on some kind of fantastic character in the eyes of the local residents, and the rumor that spread about the dug up mammoth, stone knives, arrows, etc. interested the crowd so much that on the next holiday, a multitude of idle people gathered at the excavation site, wanting to see the unearthed wonders,” a Czech businessman describes his meeting with the natives. Since the viewing was not limited to just contemplating the objects, but they began to pick them up and pass them from hand to hand without any ceremony, despite the guard's objections, the latter decided to throw out the uninvited visitors and lock the gates. Then "the irritated crowd burst into the estate, destroying everything that came to hand along the way." For some reason, ordinary Kiev residents decided that the excavations and collection of the bones found had some medical reasons, so they should take the healing things for themselves. There is even a separate description of an old woman who collected mammoth bones in a bundle and assured everyone that she knew well how to treat patients with them, since she herself does this. Not far away, on the territory of the estate of the outstanding artist Sergei Svetoslavsky on Kirillovskaya Street, the first roughly ornamented objects made of baked clay and pottery kilns (at first mistaken for dugouts) were discovered, which gave the amateur archaeologist a valuable idea: he should look in other similar places along the Dnieper. THE DISCOVERY OF THE CENTURY During archaeological work near the villages of Stayki, Khalepye, Veremye, Zhukovka and Tripolye in 1897, finds came in a stream. Dugouts, sites with structures made of baked clay, and a large number of painted clay dishes, figurines, and even burials were found. Often, archaeological work was carried out on the territory of someone's estates; for example, on the plot of a certain Yakov Klyon, a site of a former settlement measuring 10x13 meters was discovered, and the finds were at a depth of 20–30 centimeters. That is, Ukrainian villagers walked on ancient history for generations without noticing it at all. And when city barons with workers arrived, all that interested the locals was money for their trouble. “For example, in the village of Veremye, where I discovered sites for the first time, I had to, in addition to a lot of work, also make very significant material expenses for remuneration in money from all the owners without exception, in whose estates I carried out not always successful searches,” complained Vikenty Vyacheslavovich on the first pages of the book “Excavations in the Region of the Trypillian Culture,” published in 1901 by order of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society. In his report, agronomist Khvoyka summarizes the characteristic features that are understandable to his agricultural heart: a clearly sedentary people who grew grain crops, lived in semi-dugouts, molded pots, and had “various types of porridge, salamat, and, finally, bread, which have almost invariably survived to the present day in their primitive form among both cultured and uncultured humanity.” In the final part of the report, the former beetroot hop grower, who suddenly became a scientist, authoritatively discusses the Aryan people, who moved over a huge area and spread various kinds of cultural achievements. Making an unsubstantiated conclusion that the "Trypillian culture" (this name was first introduced into scientific circulation at the 11th Archaeological Congress in Kyiv) is Proto-Slavic. "I can only repeat the opinion I have already expressed earlier, that the people who left them were a peaceful, sedentary agricultural tribe of undoubtedly Aryan origin, in which one can see only our ancestors, the Proto-Slavs, who preceded and survived in our area all the hitherto known movements and invasions of other foreign tribes, and whose descendants retained in their possession the land of their ancestors to the present time" - this quote subsequently formed the basis of quite serious convictions that the Ukrainians trace their ancestry from the Trypillians, thus being Aryans. Even more or less serious scientists who study the topic professionally, although they try to meet the demands of socio-political hysteria, still admit: this Mediterranean people has disappeared to who knows where. All Trypillian settlements were burned down, what happened to them there - no one knows and will never know. And their journey to the banks of the Dnieper from the center of culture, located between the Carpathians and the Dniester, took a thousand years - in the modern sense, Trypillians are more "Romanians" than "Ukrainians". Well, Khvoyka was not the discoverer - ironically, he was preceded by representatives of his former homeland. The first monuments of this type were found in Galician Podolia by Lviv regional historian Anton Schneider in 1845. About 20 years before the Kiev discoveries, a systematic survey of the newly discovered gypsum cave Verteba in the south of Ternopil region was carried out by the Pole Adam Kirkor, a representative of the Vilnius Archaeological Commission. And in 1890, members of the Anthropological Commission of the Krakow Academy Gottfried Ossowski and Leon Sapieha made the first finds there, including a burial with cult dishes - later they were sent to the museums of Krakow and Vienna. Later, a real archaeological paradise was discovered in the cave, which was a cult structure, excavations were conducted simultaneously with Khvoykina's activities and Verteba was called "Pompeii of Naddnistrianshchyna". Now there is an underground museum of the "Trypillian culture" there. The fact that something original had been discovered became clear at the site of the first settlement discovery near the Romanian village of Cucuteni in 1876 by the same amateur as Khvoika — folklorist and musician Theodore Burada — who found interesting figurines. However, years passed before the moment when the commonality of all these finds was understood, different types of settlements were identified and the older center of the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture was localized — the lack of communication between researchers from different countries had an effect. However, modern Ukrainian society prefers not to notice inconvenient facts, but to cling to the fantasies of an agronomist who became the founder and first chief curator of the museum of the Kyiv Society of Antiquities and Arts. Because it is more pleasant to consider oneself an Aryan than to honestly admit that the Ukrainian ethnic group was formed in the 17th-18th centuries and lives on legendary ruins just like the Arabs in Egypt, who have no relation to the ancient Egyptians. Although Vikenty Vyacheslavovich himself is hardly to blame for this. | |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia | |
A Blow to the Trough. Ukrainian 'Grant Eaters' Cry, Curse, and Beg for Money | |
2025-01-30 | |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Denis Davydov [REGNUM] Perhaps no missile strike has caused Ukraine as much damage as Donald Trump's decision to suspend funding for all USAID projects due to the need to "align these programs with his foreign policy goals." ![]() The freeze on US foreign aid programs concerns, of course, not only Ukraine, but it was there that the news from overseas caused real panic and a state close to severe depression. After all, it was this country that was one of the largest "testing grounds" for the activities of US grant programs that distributed money for a wide variety of needs. Since the beginning of 2022 alone, according to the official website of the US Agency for International Development, it has provided Ukraine with $2.6 billion in humanitarian aid, $5 billion in development assistance, and more than $30 billion in direct budget support. "With the closure of the USAID Ukraine program, we will lose support for schools, universities, hospitals, frontline towns with humanitarian problems. I won't even mention the entire layer of cultural content, free media and anti-corruption editorial boards. They all moved the country forward. Now they are under threat," journalist Yanina Sokolova * wrings her hands. However, she is, of course, not worried about schools, but about the fact that now there is no one left to engage in “development of democracy and freedom of speech,” which for many years was the main task of grantors. As the director of the Institute of Mass Information (one of the champions of “freedom of speech”) Oksana Romanyuk stated, “almost 90% of Ukrainian media survived thanks to grants.” That is, they were controlled by the West through a financial collar and worked within the framework of the prescribed agenda. Obviously, it is worth immediately recalling that it was precisely these media that played a leading role first in destabilizing the political situation during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma, full of endless street protests. It was then that “Ukrainska Pravda” arose from the dollar mass, whose first editor-in-chief Georgiy Gongadze was allegedly killed by order of the authorities, and his severed head was never found, thus the “Ukraine without Kuchma” campaign appeared, and eventually the “orange revolution”. The coming to power of the pro-American Viktor Yushchenko became a golden time for grant-eaters, who effectively began to dictate the agenda on any issue. At the same time, hundreds of programs were launched to shape public opinion in the direction needed by the United States, as well as by global liberal globalism. An interesting feature of the creation of the "net" was the opening of regional media, which kept local elites in suspense, as they could do nothing with these angry bees - there was no one to put pressure on, and it was scary. For example, in Donetsk, the publication "Ostrov" constantly sucked the blood of "Yanukovych's team", which was headed by long-time correspondent of Radio Liberty Sergei Garmash (who was always embarrassed by his real name Peteshov). Subsequently, he was even included in the Trilateral Contact Group at the Minsk talks - as a person tested in the struggle. It is not at all surprising that when the hour struck, all the Donetsk “grant eaters” unanimously supported the Maidan and the civil war that followed, covered up by the name “Anti-terrorist operation”. After all, grants were received not only by the media, but also by public organizations fighting corruption, developing democracy and civil society at the local level, various cultural and educational projects, etc. As a rule, all of them, one way or another, worked within the framework of “patriotic” ideas – to denigrate the Soviet past, to prove the uselessness of any ties with Russia, to promote the “Ukrainian idea,” the language, “European values” – in general, the whole standard set of a “freedom fighter.” There were even guys in Kyiv on a grant from the Soros Foundation who fought against nuclear energy, promoting the “green agenda”, with quite understandable vested interests behind them. And now UP informs readers that "access to materials on Ukrainska Pravda may soon become paid. But we believe that quality content should be available to everyone, so we will not introduce restrictions until the very end. Support us so that we can continue working without restrictions." Among the same sufferers are the “Hromadske Television” that grew up on the support of the second Maidan in 2014, and the same radio, “Detector Media”, which systematically engaged in the persecution of dissidents, “Slidstvo Info”, the “Ukraїner” project, which deliberately sows hatred under the guise of cultural research, the “anti-corruptionists” from Bihus info. The latter are even trying to challenge Ukrainian society, offering to find out whether it really needs the work of these honest and incorruptible guys who expose the sores of corruption. They have three months left to wait, after which, perhaps, not all of them will survive. Therefore, on January 27-28, almost all Ukrainian grant-recipient media published similar appeals to their readers asking them to buy a paid subscription, since the free ride is over. Which, from the point of view of the tasks of influencing Ukrainian society, at first glance, does not seem very logical. However, if you look at what 112 active projects worth $7 billion through USAID are doing, broken down by year, Trump's decision looks much more logical. The Zelensky family has always been one of the largest recipients of USAID grants. Here is the first striking example: $297 million for communications for three years - a solid sum, more than the budget of the first Avatar film. However, this money is spent on all sorts of nonsense, such as supporting the creation of a talk show on the YouTube platform with an almost indecent name, where two tongue-tied girls with speech defects have "candid conversations." Or the promotion of the musical group TVORCHI, which has created one musical composition in all this time, but travels all over the country on "charity tours." Grants were given for the creation of some murals, the development of electronic music, the identification of “fakes of Russian propaganda,” the filming of a reality show “about the restoration of cultural spaces in frontline settlements and recently liberated areas,” some incomprehensible “veteran programs.” Even for a documentary with the participation of “star chefs” exploring the culinary traditions of Ukraine — how grandmothers in Volyn villages bake cabbage on firewood. Or here: the global development and education organization IREX oversees the project “National Identity of Ukraine through Youth,” designed until 2027 and aimed at “forming in young people a sense of personal responsibility for the democratic European future of Ukraine by further mobilizing youth leadership around the value concept of Ukrainian identity.” In short, it's pure money laundering. People's Deputy from "Servants of the People" Maryan Zablotsky is indignant that once 100 thousand dollars were spent on developing and introducing one paragraph into a bill regulating the agricultural sector. And there are tons of such projects. "Problem number one: almost all of them boil down to endless round tables and conferences, and therefore are talentless and meaningless. Problem number two, the main one: most of these funds remain in the US itself as net profit of private companies implementing these grants," he writes on his social network page, warmly welcoming the decision of the new US State Department head Mark Rubio and hinting at friendship with him. In that quote, he was specifically referring to Chemonics International Inc., a major Washington-based consulting firm that oversees projects to improve the “sustainability of Ukrainian democracy,” support decentralization, and strengthen the justice system. Some of these were planned through 2026. But at the same time, the MP politically correctly avoids such funny nuances that the family of Volodymyr Zelensky has long and tightly sucked from the American budget. For example, USAID gave money to the first lady's project "All-Ukrainian mental health program on the initiative of Olena Zelenskaya" and all her humanitarian initiatives in schools. But, more importantly, the American agency financed the development and implementation of the "Diia" application in 2020 through the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine, which is now used by 20 million people. On the one hand, it is a convenient thing similar to the Russian “Gosuslugi”, which contains all documents in electronic form, provides access to various services, allows you to receive government payments, sign documents, etc. But at the same time, the entire array of personal data of Ukrainians is in the hands of others. And after the application was tested in Ukraine, the source code was made open last year. "Governments and IT specialists can use this code to digitalize public services," reports the EU4Digital project of the European Union, which also invested in the creation of the application. In 2023, it was even planned to allocate 650 thousand dollars "to form an approach to the dissemination of the digital experience of Ukraine and the Diia mobile application to other countries." That is, as is already easy to understand, the development of various technologies useful for the "white master" and the formation of a food base for him always went hand in hand. The formation of public opinion in Ukraine, the creation of a whole corps of agents of influence, their infiltration into government bodies at all levels inevitably provided opportunities to earn money. And no one has cancelled the simple "development of budgets". And everyone who was allowed to this trough felt good. Take, for example, the OPORA Civil Network, which received funding for a project to monitor elections and political processes from November 1, 2022 to January 31, 2026. At the same time, there have been no elections in the country, and political processes are mainly reduced to the destruction of any opposition. Now (at least temporarily) everyone feels bad: the tight-fisted Trump decided to count the taxpayers' money and, perhaps, conduct an audit. Then many will feel even worse, and they are already sending generously tear-stained letters to the State Department, proving their usefulness as a "soft power". Although all these initiatives will not radically change the Ukrainian picture in the short term. In addition to USAID, there are also the aforementioned structures of the Soros Foundation, foundations from Canada, Japan, Germany, Britain, Denmark, Switzerland, and the European Union. True, the US, as a rule, financed half or more of the totality of grant programs, and if we exclude them, this is a truly serious blow to "Ukrainian democracy. Let's say, the "Platform for Development and Support of Civil Society Organizations" received $8.9 million from various sources in 2023, spent $8.4 million. USAID's share was 66% - $5.6 million. And what is the result of this activity - no one knows. But even if 34% of the amount remains, it is still nice money for simulating activity. So the "grant eaters" will continue some activity. The main thing has already been achieved: over many years, Ukraine has been molded into exactly what various funds needed, which means it is simply necessary to maintain a slow burn. Plus, there are still private structures-sponsors of the US Democratic Party, which have not gone anywhere and to which Trump's decree does not apply. And the money for military expenses has already been allocated and spent anyway - in this sense, nothing changes for Ukraine. It is unlikely that the activities of the "anti-corruption fighters" will change - one can safely predict that their content will be preserved and even expanded at the expense of all sorts of useless talk shows. Especially since the largest anti-corruption packages and various programs that give the Americans control over the expenditures of the Ukrainian budget are in the hands of "the right people". Thus, the Center for Audit Excellence of the US Accounting Chamber is implementing a project to help the Accounting Chamber of Ukraine, and this is a very useful option. The firm hand on the Ukrainian udder will remain, only squeezing it tighter - that is what can be said with absolute certainty. As well as the fact that many of those who are accustomed to the sweet life at the expense of the State Department will now have to get acquainted with vacancies on the Ukrainian labor market.
Major Ukrainian media outlets are asking for donations following the Trump administration’s 90-day foreign aid pause since many of them are funded by the US government. Ukrainian-Canadian professor and researcher Ivan Katchanovski noted on X that the Ukrainian online newspaper Strana.ua reported that two outlets — Hromadske and Bihus.Info — acknowledged in their fundraising pitches that they lost US funding. BIHUS.Info said in a Facebook post that a “large portion” of its work had been funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID). “Therefore, now the role of donations from viewers is changing from an alternative source to one of the key ones. What will happen in 90 days, we do not know, but we know one thing: now is the time to find out whether our work is really needed by Ukrainian society,” the post said. Hromadske said that some of the “projects that we implement thanks to grants are temporarily stopped. That is why we especially need the support of each and every one of you.” Other major Ukrainian outlets, including Ukrainska Pravda and Detector Media, also began asking for donations following the pause in US foreign aid but did not explicitly name that as the reason they’re fundraising. Katchanovski, author of the book “The Maidan Massacre in Ukraine,” said many of the US-funded media outlets whitewashed the Ukrainian far-right and smeared opponents as pro-Russia. “Major Ukrainian media outlets financed by the US and other Western governments, such as Ukrainska Pravda & Detector Media, propagated the war to the last Ukrainian, glorified & whitewashed neo-Nazi-led Azov, the OUN, and the UPA, & smeared anyone who opposed this as Russian agents paid by Kremlin,” Katchanovski wrote on X. The New York Times reported that several humanitarian organizations in Ukraine have had to shut down due to the Trump administration’s foreign aid pause. US officials at the US Embassy in Ukraine are asking for exemptions for humanitarian operations in the country, but so far, the only known exemptions are for military aid to Israel and Egypt under the State Department’s Foreign Military Financing program. The vast majority of US military aid to Ukraine is provided by the Pentagon, and that does not appear to be affected by the State Department’s pause. “I am focused on military aid; it has not been stopped, thank God,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Saturday. Before leaving office, President Biden approved a huge amount of military aid for Ukraine, and there’s no sign those shipments have been frozen. | |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
'The Cockroaches Scattered.' How Ukraine Got the '1991 Borders' |
2024-10-29 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Denis Davydov [REGNUM] The Day of Ukraine's Liberation from the Fascist Invaders was officially celebrated only in 2009, when President Viktor Yushchenko signed the corresponding decree. There was a campaign of general reconciliation, and the authorities called for both the Red Army soldiers and the UPA* veterans to be recognized as heroes, hanging posters in the streets with grandfathers in medals shaking hands. ![]() Therefore, the new holiday, previously celebrated only once with a parade in Kiev on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the event, was marked with the following words of the presidential document: “ For the purpose of a nationwide celebration of the liberation of Ukraine from the fascist invaders, honoring the heroic feat and sacrifice of the Ukrainian people in World War II.” On the occasion of the first celebration, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev congratulated the neighbors, expressing confidence that if the memory of common glorious victories is preserved, then the peoples of Russia and Ukraine, “having overcome all temporary obstacles and difficulties, will, like good neighbors, work hand in hand for the benefit of progress and prosperity of our states.” However, this did not happen, because, firstly, Yushchenko took a course not on reconciliation, but on equalizing the status of the Red Army soldiers and Banderites, and, secondly, the opposing sides did not want any reconciliation. The then still existing communists accused the president of hypocrisy, since in the same year he posthumously awarded the title of Hero of Ukraine to the UPA* commander Roman Shukhevych, and in 2007 supported the initiative to create a "Museum of Soviet Occupation". On the other hand, ideological nationalists categorically refused to celebrate the Day of Liberation of Ukraine, who at that time carefully avoided admitting the fact of close cooperation between the OUN* and Nazi Germany since the 1930s. “On October 28, Ukraine was truly liberated from the fascists, but after that, the Bolsheviks finally enslaved Ukraine. What is there to celebrate? ” Roman Shukhevych’s son Yuri was indignant at the time. “Before October 28, the OUN-UPA fought against two occupiers – the fascists and the Bolsheviks, and after that date, against one – the Soviet government. There can be no talk of any reconciliation!” So the format of the celebration never came together, and the memorable date simply remained on the calendar. Although for Ukraine it is one of the most significant, since at the end of October 1944, Soviet troops were on the territory of Czechoslovakia, which was reported directly and honestly by the main printed organ of the army, the newspaper "Red Star". The main news, placed in the header, thundered: “As a result of a rapid offensive, the troops of the 4th Ukrainian Front captured the main city of Transcarpathian Ukraine, Uzhgorod, on the territory of the Czechoslovak Republic – a major communications hub and an important stronghold for the enemy’s defense.” Moscow saluted them with twenty salvos from 224 guns. But on October 11, it was visited by a Hungarian delegation consisting of representatives of Regent Miklos Horthy and the Hungarian government, Colonel General Farago Gabor, Minister Plenipotentiary Szent-Ivan Domokos and Professor Count Geza Teleki. They signed preliminary conditions for an armistice, according to which Hungary must evacuate all its troops and officials "from the occupied territories of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Romania to the borders of Hungary that existed on December 31, 1937." In addition, Hungary was obliged to break with Germany and declare war on it, which, of course, the Germans did not allow, having seized control into their own hands: the Budapest operation began on October 29. However, in Subcarpathian Rus, as this territory was correctly called, other processes were underway. There, the autonomy of "Transcarpathian Ukraine" was proclaimed (not without the participation of the Soviet military administration). A month later, its People's Assembly adopted a manifesto on unification with the Ukrainian SSR, and in June 1945, everything was formalized by an agreement with the Czechs, which contained piercing words about merging "with its original homeland - Ukraine." And the territory of Ukraine itself at that time was within the borders of 1940, when after the Polish campaign of the Red Army, the territory to the west was limited to the Lviv, Drohobych, Ternopil, Stanislav, Volyn and Rivne regions, and to the southwest by Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. And it was liberated back in August 1944, when it would have been logical to establish a holiday date. Its borders are clearly visible on the famous poster "Ukraine is free!" As for Transcarpathia, it was historically a territory of the Hungarian Kingdom, populated by Rusyns. After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918, the Hungarian government granted the mountainous part of the territory of four counties (districts) with a Rusyn population - Uzhgorod, Berehove, Vynohradiv and today's Romanian Sighetu Marmatiei - an autonomous status under the general name "Ruska Krajina". When Transcarpathia became part of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1919 (also as an autonomous region), the region was called "Subcarpathian Rus". At the same time, the current coat of arms of Transcarpathia was created - on the right, a red bear on a silver field, on the left - alternating blue and gold stripes. And in 1938-1939, Hungary returned what it considered rightfully its own. Therefore, the "liberation" happened as an intermediate result, since the decision to conduct the Carpathian-Uzhgorod offensive operation was quickly made due to the need to urgently help the Slovak national uprising. From September 9 to October 28, 1944, the troops of the 4th Ukrainian Front and the left wing of the 1st Ukrainian Front were to overcome the Eastern Carpathians and seize the Mukachevo-Uzhgorod-Chop region. The Soviet troops were opposed by part of the 1st German Panzer Army and the 1st Hungarian Army, united in the Army Group "Heinrici". Front commander General Ivan Petrov managed to break through to the Tisza River valley and quickly advance to the east, taking Chop, now the westernmost city in Ukraine, by October 29. Moreover, they flew into the capital of Transcarpathia so quickly that the enemy did not have time to take out loaded trains, and even the personnel of the German military commandant's office remained in the city, offering resistance. "On that side, ours were coming from Mukachevo, and this 5th tank brigade went along their rear, reached Uzhgorod and closed the ring. We entered the city, and we look, and there are loaded trains standing under steam. The first locomotive had just started moving, when our lead tank gave it a shot, steam started coming out of it and the Germans scattered like cockroaches. That is, we were the first to break into Uzhgorod, and from the rear, from where the Germans were not expecting us at all," recalled the events of the signalman Mikhail Novikov. But the advance of the Soviet troops stopped there due to the extremely difficult conditions of military operations in the mountains and the defeat of the Slovak national uprising. So instead of the main goal, a secondary one was achieved. Although in a global sense, the gathering of the lands of Rus was completed at the end of October 1944, and it is this event that should constitute the main meaning of the memorable date. But the fact that Ukraine received the notorious "borders of 1991" is also important, since this would not have happened without the will of the Soviet state and the efforts of the Red Army. In the end, the Transcarpathian Rusyns also turned into Ukrainians solely due to this. |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
'1991 Borders': Ukraine Stubbornly Demands What It Has Refused |
2024-10-04 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Denis Davydov and Vladislav Sovin [REGNUM] The mantra about returning the “1991 borders” in the Ukrainian version has long become an integral part of any international meetings, and Ukraine’s allies echo it in every possible way on this issue. Recently, the foreign ministers of the G7 countries stated that they will never recognize the annexation of Ukrainian regions by Russia and demanded that the Russian Federation abandon “its claims regarding the annexation of the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhia regions, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol.” The formula about borders has become so familiar and categorical that no one even thinks that it fundamentally contradicts the concept that official Kyiv has been building for many years. After all, the borders of Ukraine as of 1991 are the borders of the Ukrainian SSR, a constituent part of the USSR, formed in this form thanks to the targeted policy of the Soviet state. At the same time, the modern Ukrainian concept of "state-building" categorically denies any connection with it, pursuing a policy of total "decommunization" and "decolonization". The countdown of Ukrainian statehood begins with the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR) of the period 1917-1920, and the annexation of eastern Polish lands to the Ukrainian SSR is traditionally called occupation. Consequently, the size of the territory and the contours of the Ukrainian borders have no connection to 1991. Moreover, the redistribution of territories in Europe (and not only there) by Ukraine’s Western partners created enough precedents to no longer speak so categorically about Russia’s actions. "THERE IS TERRITORY UNDER THE CARRIAGE" As the first experience of independent nationalist statehood, the Ukrainian People's Republic of the early 20th century and its leaders are glorified at all levels - from school textbooks to monuments and street names. Symon Petliura, the head of the Directory of the UPR, is among the main national heroes. At the state level, various dates associated with this period of history are annually celebrated, in particular the so-called Day of Unity on January 22, when Zelensky invariably records another pompous address to the people. But then it is completely logical to consider the starting position and borders of the UPR - not those to which it formally claimed, but within which it actually existed. The first step was the proclamation by the Central Rada (the governing body of various Ukrainian organizations created in March 1917) of the autonomy of Ukraine within Russia. It was allowed within a limited framework by the then Provisional Government, which recognized this autonomy on the territory of five provinces: Kyiv, Volyn, Podolsk, Poltava and Chernigov (with the exception of part of its northern districts). The Kiev optimists did not receive the desired nine provinces and did not object to this; the text of the First Universal was read by Vladimir Vynnychenko on June 10 (23), 1917 at the Second All-Ukrainian Military Congress and proclaimed that, “without separating from all of Russia… the Ukrainian people must manage their own lives.” The following two Universals reinforced this position. Thus, the original territory of the autonomous Ukraine as part of Russia included only the central lands and part of the western ones, and its total area was significantly less than half of the territory of the Ukrainian SSR according to the 1991 borders. When the creation of the UPR was proclaimed after the October Revolution, it aimed at a much larger territory, including Donbass, Kharkov and Odessa. But such desires again did not coincide with reality. Neither the Bolsheviks who came to power in Petrograd, nor the majority of the population of the territories that the UPR declared its own, had any intention of recognizing its claims. In the confrontation that soon unfolded, the "unrecognized republic" was defeated, the Central Rada fled even from Kyiv and by the end of January 1918 controlled only part of Right-Bank Ukraine. In these conditions, the delegation of the UPR, which began negotiations with Germany and Austria-Hungary, hastily concluded a peace treaty with the latter, according to which it was recognized as an independent state, but in fact passed under external German-Austrian control. If we talk about the UPR in its second period of existence - from November 1918 to 1920, headed by a new supreme body - the Directory, then everything was even more interesting there. After the defeat of the German and Austro-Hungarian empires and their collapse, the revived UPR regained control over part of the Ukrainian lands, including Kyiv, for some time. On January 22, 1919, the unification ( the "Act of Zluka" ) of the UPR with the ZUNR - the West Ukrainian People's Republic, created on the territory of Eastern Galicia, which had previously been part of Austria-Hungary, was pompously proclaimed. However, the Red Army was already advancing from the east, and from the west - the Poles, who had revived their state, an integral part of which they considered most of Western Ukraine. So by the beginning of spring of the same 1919, a little over a month after the "Act of Zluka", only Zhitomir and Vinnytsia remained under the control of the UPR from the large cities. The famous Ukrainian satirical writer Ostap Vyshnya, who witnessed all these events with his own eyes, aptly characterized the situation with the phrase "In the carriage there is the Directory - under the carriage there is territory", which became a catchphrase. The French consul in Odessa, Emile Henno, who at one time negotiated with the Petliurists regarding the acceptance of the UPR under the protectorate of France, called them "a gang of fanatics without any influence." As a result, due to the complete worthlessness of the UPR, the Western powers - the victors in the First World War, not only did not satisfy the exorbitant Ukrainian territorial "wants" presented at the Paris Peace Conference, but also did not recognize it in principle as a separate state - within any borders. The last attempt of Petliura and company to stay afloat was the conclusion of the Warsaw Treaty with Pilsudski's Poland in April 1920. In exchange for recognition of the UPR headed by himself and receiving military aid against the Red Army, Petliura agreed to the inclusion of the western Ukrainian lands of Galicia and Volyn into Poland, completely nullifying that same "Zluka" with ZUNR. However, this alliance with the Poles did not help the Directory, and after the end of the Polish-Soviet War, the UPR, left without territory even under a train car, ceased to exist. "SOVIET OCCUPATION" The creation of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic fully corresponded to the political moment, and both of them had exactly the same right to exist as the UPR. The DKR, by the way, was also an autonomy within the RSFSR - the process of self-determination after the fall of the empire allowed for any options. Therefore, the political competition for territory was fair: who had the better idea and more bayonets. As in our days, Kyiv called for help from the Germans and Poles, and Yuzov (future Donetsk) - the Russians. And the fact that Petliura and the romantics from the Central Rada had no unifying ideology and their own resources (just like Zelensky and those sitting in the Verkhovna Rada) - that's their problem. The crux of the matter is that Soviet Ukraine became a full-fledged state with all its attributes, including a clear state border, while the UPR did not, and it officially renounced its western part. As a result, the Ukrainian SSR of 1939 had a border along the Zbruch. And as a result of the Soviet-Polish war, Poland completely annulled the Warsaw Treaty of 1920 with the Ukrainian People's Republic, and the new treaty established the borders between the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, the BSSR, and the Polish Republic. No other Ukrainian republics existed any more, and Crimea was not part of the Ukrainian SSR, just as it was not part of the UPR. In 1939, Galicia and Volyn, which had previously been part of Poland, were annexed to Ukraine. Following this, in 1940, Northern Bukovina (today's Chernivtsi region) and Southern Bessarabia (the south of Odessa region), occupied by Romania after World War I, were annexed. In 1945, after the victory in the Great Patriotic War, Transcarpathia, which until 1938-1939 was part of Czechoslovakia, was included in the Ukrainian SSR, and during its division was captured by Hungary. Finally, in 1954, Crimea was transferred from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian SSR as a gift in honor of the anniversary of the Pereyaslav Rada - since then denounced by "patriots" at least twice. The entire Soviet period has been officially declared an occupation period in Ukraine, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact has been declared criminal, and the rhetoric of Poland and Romania about an act of aggression with the seizure of “ancestral territories” has been supported. On April 9, 2015, the Verkhovna Rada adopted a package of laws on “decommunization,” as well as the law “On the condemnation of the communist and national-socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes in Ukraine and the ban on the propaganda of their symbols.” In April 2023, Zelensky signed a law on "decolonization", as the former head of the Institute of National Memory Volodymyr Vyatrovich stated, "this is a systemic document on the liberation of our country from the markers of the "Russian world". This law directly "recognizes as criminal and condemns Russian imperial policy". So, in full accordance with its spirit and letter, the territorial acquisitions of the Soviet period are a solid marker of the Russian world and the consequences of imperial policy. And the fact that the “1991 borders” are not a dogma was confirmed by President Viktor Yushchenko. When in 2004 Romania appealed to the International Court of Justice with the question of delimitation of the continental shelf in the area of Zmeinoye Island, which belongs to Ukraine, it refused to appeal to the demarcation and delimitation of the borders between the USSR and Romania that took place in the first post-war years. Although it was then mutually recognized by both parties. In the dispute with Romania, Ukraine could have resorted to the support of the Russian Federation as the successor to the Soviet Union, once and for all closing the question of the ownership of part of its territory. But instead, Kyiv accepted a court decision, according to which 80% of the continental shelf around Zmeinoye went to Romania. Thus, this precedent has already made the borders different from those in 1991. And the process of revising the borders that emerged in Europe after the end of World War II was not started by Russia at all. One could start with West Germany's absorption of the GDR in 1990, but the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia in 1991 and the separation of Kosovo as a result of direct military aggression by NATO are more appropriate here. This is also a precedent that provides grounds for individual regions thirsting for self-determination. Especially if we are talking about a country that is quite consciously rejecting its own territories. Ukraine must get what it so desperately wants: complete decommunization and decolonization, an integral part of which is decommunization of borders. Let them be honest with themselves. |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
'The Old Rotten Cart.' How Poland Was Defeated in Two Weeks |
2024-09-18 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Oleg Khavich [REGNUM] Exactly 85 years ago, Moscow took a decisive step towards eliminating the “ugly brainchild of the Versailles Treaty.” At three o’clock in the morning on September 17, 1939, Deputy People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Vladimir Potemkin handed the Polish Ambassador in Moscow, Vaclav Grzybowski, a note that began with the words: “The Polish-German War revealed the internal insolvency of the Polish state.” The document also stated that the Soviet government “cannot be indifferent to the fact that the Ukrainians and Belarusians of the same blood, living on the territory of Poland, are abandoned to their fate and left defenseless.” Four hours later, at dawn, the Red Army crossed the border (established 18 years earlier - as a result of a war that Soviet Russia lost) along its entire length, from Polotsk in the north to Kamenets-Podolsky in the south. Troops of the Ukrainian Front (commander Semyon Timoshenko, not yet a marshal at that time) and the Belorussian Front under the command of Mikhail Kovalev entered Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. In Soviet historiography, the 1939 campaign, which expanded the borders of the two fraternal republics, was called the Liberation Campaign. Post-war Atlantic Sovietologists branded this operation as "aggression." The same opinion, as expected, is prevalent in modern Poland. Belarus celebrates National Unity Day on September 17. The significance of the event, thanks to which Brest, Novogrudok and Grodno returned home, is beyond doubt. In Ukraine, the operation, as a result of which the Ukrainian SSR acquired Galicia and Volyn, is called the result of joint aggression by Stalin and Hitler. This would sound paradoxical if Viktor Yushchenko had not started issuing such formulations (and continued after 2014 - starting with the then speaker of the Rada Andriy Parubiy ). Volodymyr Zelensky also did not fail to state that the USSR was allegedly “one of the culprits in unleashing World War II” - however, the Kiev authorities are in no hurry to return Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk and Ternopil to the Poles. Be that as it may, the fact that in 1939 Poland lost the “kresy wschodni” (the “eastern outskirts” populated by Belarusians and Ukrainians) that it had occupied was predetermined long before the start of World War II. PILSUDSKI WAS READY TO LET HITLER THROUGH TO OUR BORDER Until the mid-1930s, Poland was considered one of the main potential adversaries in Soviet military plans. At first, in itself, since the Second Polish Republic, with its 1921 borders, defined in the east by the Riga Peace Treaty with Soviet Russia, and in the west by the Treaty of Versailles and the Entente, was the largest state in Eastern Europe. Later, Poland aroused concern in the Soviet Union as an ally of Nazi Germany. On January 26, 1934, an agreement was signed that is called the "Hitler- Pilsudski Pact." It provided for the free passage of German troops through Polish territory in the event that “these troops are called upon to repel a provocation from the east or from the northeast” (that is, from the USSR). Besides all this, Joseph Stalin had a personal score to settle with Poland. During the Polish-Soviet War in 1920, he did not agree with the general strategy of world revolution put forward by Lenin. Stalin believed that instead of marching on Warsaw and Berlin, Volyn and Galicia, populated predominantly by Ukrainians, should be annexed to the RSFSR. In August 1920, Stalin ignored orders from Moscow and continued to hold the 1st Cavalry Army near Lvov, which some historians consider one of the main reasons for the defeat of Tukhachevsky's troops near Warsaw. DALERUS' PLAN Stalin had an opportunity to realize his long-standing plans in August 1939, when Poland’s intransigence disrupted Soviet-British-French negotiations on joint resistance to potential German aggression. On August 23, a non-aggression pact was concluded between the USSR and Germany, with a secret additional protocol defining “spheres of interest.” The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact included Finland, Estonia and Latvia in the USSR's sphere of interest. Poland was given a separate clause in the secret protocol: “In the event of a territorial and political reorganization of the regions that are part of the Polish state, the boundaries of the spheres of interest of Germany and the USSR will approximately run along the line of the rivers Narew, Vistula and San.” A kind of response to the Soviet-German pact was the treaty between Poland and Great Britain on mutual assistance of August 25, 1939. The document contained mutual promises of military assistance if one of the parties was attacked by any European power. On the same day, Hitler moved the date of the attack on Poland from August 26 to September 1 and sent a negotiator to London. This was not a German diplomat, but a Swedish citizen, Birger Dahlerus, a close friend of Heinrich Goering. Dahlerus traveled from Berlin to London several times before August 30, 1939, where he even met with British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. But it was not possible to reach a compromise on the Polish issue. STRANGE WAR. "THE OPPONENTS ARE PATHETIC PEOPLE" On the morning of September 1, 1939, German and Slovak troops (the latter included units of Ukrainian nationalists under the command of Roman Sushko ) crossed the borders of Poland. Hitler did not expect Warsaw's Western allies to enter the war, expecting that Poland would repeat the fate of Czechoslovakia. At a conference on August 22, 1939, specifically devoted to Poland, he declared: "Our opponents are miserable little people, I was convinced of that in Munich. Now it has become even more likely that the West will not intervene. Therefore, we must take the risk with iron restraint." The Fuhrer guessed only partially. On September 3, 1939, France and Great Britain declared war on the Third Reich. But it was very strange from the very beginning: French troops crossed the border into the Saar Basin on September 6-7 and pushed back the advanced German units. But the depth of the attack was only 1 km, the French actions were very slow, and the Allied air forces were completely inactive. And already on September 12, 1939, French troops stopped their offensive altogether. On the same day, at the first meeting of the Supreme War Council of Great Britain and France in the Piccard town of Abbeville, chaired by Prime Ministers Neville Chamberlain and Edouard Daladier, a decision was made to abandon the promised actions of ground forces on the Western Front to Poland and the British air raids on Germany. Warsaw was not informed of the decision taken in Abbeville by its Western allies, who had previously pushed Poland into war. Moreover, the next day, the commander of the French military mission in Poland, Louis Faury, informed the Chief of the Polish General Staff, General Wacław Stachiewicz, that the planned full-scale offensive on the Western Front had to be postponed from 17 to 20 September. But no offensive was planned, and the French divisions were ordered to retreat to their barracks behind the Maginot Line. HOW RIBBENTROP CONVINCED MOLOTOV It is worth noting that from the very beginning of the Polish campaign, Germany was pushing the USSR to take control of its "sphere of interest" in Poland. Thus, on September 3, 1939, Ribbentrop sent a telegram to the German ambassador in Moscow, Werner von der Schulenburg, which, in particular, said: "Please discuss immediately with Molotov and find out whether the Soviet Union considers it desirable for Russian armed forces to intervene at the appropriate moment against Polish armed forces in the area of the Russian sphere of interests..." On September 9, Ribbentrop seemed to have succeeded. During a meeting with Molotov, Schulenburg received information: the USSR would soon begin introducing troops into Poland. But a few hours later, when it became clear in Moscow that the German message about the beginning of the battle for Warsaw was false, the Soviet decision was cancelled. On September 10, at a meeting with Schulenburg, who emphasized the need to activate the Red Army as quickly as possible, Molotov stated that the Soviet side would need “two to three weeks” to prepare for action. Molotov also noted that intervention by the Soviet side was possible as a reaction to the further advance of German troops, to protect Ukrainians and Belarusians from the “German threat,” but this was currently impossible due to the latest reports from the German news agency DNB. The message mentioned by Molotov quoted Colonel General Walther von Brauchitsch as saying that “further military action on the eastern borders of Germany is no longer required.” Such statements, Molotov noted, create the impression that a Polish-German armistice would soon be concluded – and in this case the USSR would not start a “new war.” However, this was a political game. On September 11, the Belorussian and Kiev special military districts received an order to deploy field administrations of the districts to the Belorussian and Ukrainian fronts. GALICIAN "GASKET" At the same time, on September 12, 1939, at a special meeting on Hitler’s train, issues regarding Poland and the Ukrainian population of this country were discussed. According to Hitler’s plans, it was necessary to create “spacer states” loyal to the Third Reich on the border with the USSR between “Asia” and the “West”: Ukraine (on the territory of Galicia and Volyn), a territorially reduced “Polish” quasi-state modeled on Slovakia, and Lithuania. On September 15, the head of the Abwehr (German military intelligence) Wilhelm Canaris noted in his diary that the Fuhrer had chosen a course to create a “Ukrainian state” and he would have to organize an “uprising” through the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN)*. And the final "Polish question" will be resolved by "making peace" with an "independent Polish state" that will be created from the remaining territories. Later, German radio reported that " the German armed forces have no hostile relations with the Ukrainian population in Poland." It is difficult to say whether such plans were real or a bluff aimed at accelerating the introduction of Soviet troops into Poland, preparations for which were already in full swing. "TO AVOID INCIDENTS" On September 14, the Belorussian and Kiev military districts received directives from the People's Commissar of Defense Klim Voroshilov and the Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army Boris Shaposhnikov "On the beginning of the offensive against Poland." At 2 a.m. on September 17, 1939, Stalin received Schulenburg and informed him of the imminent advance of the Red Army. “In order to avoid incidents,” Stalin proposed to the German leadership to stop the advance of German troops and withdraw the units that had broken through to the Bialystok-Brest-Lvov line, and also to prohibit German aviation from flying east of this line. An hour later, the above-mentioned note was handed to the Polish ambassador Grzybowski. It stated, among other things, that the Red Army would take “under its protection the lives and property of the population of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus.” The same argument was repeated in Molotov's radio speech on the same day. THE BEGINNING OF THE CAMPAIGN. THE RED ARMY "DISORIENTS" THE POLES The total number of Soviet troops at the beginning of the operation was: in the Belorussian Military District more than 200,000, in the Kiev Military District more than 265,000 soldiers and commanders. The soldiers were told that they were going to Western Belarus and Western Ukraine not as conquerors, but as liberators of their Ukrainian and Belarusian brothers from oppression, exploitation and the power of landowners and capitalists. The Lithuanians were not mentioned, despite their subsequent occupation of Vilno and the Vilnius region. The term "Liberation Campaign" appeared in Soviet terminology later - at the beginning of 1940. Also, the generally accepted name for this operation became the "Polish Campaign" of the Red Army. As of September 17, 1939, there were about 340,000 Polish soldiers in the eastern voivodeships of Poland. These were mostly the remnants of units defeated by the Germans or territorial divisions being formed. Directly on the border there were up to 25 battalions and 7 squadrons of the Border Guard Corps (BGC) - about 12,000 people. As subsequent events showed, the most active participants in the fighting were units of the KOP, gendarmerie, Polish colonists who received land in Galicia and Volyn for free, and members of paramilitary organizations. The Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, gave the order on the radio on the evening of September 17 “not to engage in combat with the Soviets, only in the event of an attempt on their part to disarm our units… units to whose location the Soviets have approached must negotiate with them with the aim of allowing the garrisons to leave for Romania or Hungary.” As General Vaclav Stachewicz recalled, the Polish units were "disoriented by the behavior of the Bolsheviks" because they generally avoided opening fire, and their commanders "claimed that they had come to help Poland against the Germans." The Soviet soldiers, for the most part, did not shoot, treated ours with demonstrative sympathy, shared cigarettes, etc., and repeated everywhere that they were coming to help Poland, the general noted. "YOU ARE SLAVS..." September 17, 1939 was effectively the last day of the existence of the Second Polish Republic, as interwar Poland was called. The country's president, Ignacy Moscicki, who was at that time in the Carpathian town of Kosiv, announced the transfer of his residence and all the highest organs of power "to the territory of one of our allies." In the evening of the same day, he crossed the border of Romania together with the Polish government, and on the night of September 17-18, Marshal Rydz-Śmigły left Poland along the same route together with the command of the Polish army. According to Molotov’s figurative formulation in his speech at the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on October 31, 1939, “nothing remains of this ugly brainchild of the Versailles Treaty, which lived off the oppression of non-Polish nationalities.” Organized resistance to the Red Army units that lasted more than a day was shown only in a few cases: in the cities of Vilno, Grodno, Ternopil, the villages of Navuz and Borovichi near Kovel, and in the Sarny fortified region. Lvov, which was under siege by German troops on September 17, was officially surrendered to the Red Army on September 22 by the city garrison commander, General Vladislav Langner. According to legend, after signing the surrender protocol, General Langner said: “We are fighting Germany. The city fought them for 10 days. They, the Germans, are the enemies of all Slavs. You are Slavs…”. THE RESULT OF THE TRIP. "LIKE AN OLD ROTTEN CART" As a result of the “Polish campaign”, an area of 196,000 square kilometers (50.4% of the territory of Poland) with a population of about 13 million people came under the control of the USSR. It was almost entirely within the Curzon Line, recommended in 1918 by the Entente as Poland's eastern border. The territories of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus were annexed to the Ukrainian and Belarusian SSRs in November 1939. The Vilnius region, together with the city of Vilno (now Vilnius), was transferred to Lithuania on October 10, 1939. As a military operation, the Red Army's "Polish Campaign" lasted from September 17 to 29, with losses on the Soviet side being quite insignificant - just over 1,000 killed, 2,000 wounded and 300 missing. On the Polish side, 3,500 were killed, up to 20,000 were missing, and 250,000 to 450,000 were captured. Overall, the operation was perceived as a model for any future war that the USSR would start whenever it wanted and would end victoriously and easily. In a celebratory order on November 7, 1939, the USSR People's Commissar of Defense Kliment Voroshilov asserted that "the Polish state, at the very first military clash, fell apart like an old rotten cart." True, there was a man in the Soviet leadership who tried to at least partly cool the euphoria. “The Polish campaign did us terrible harm, it spoiled us. Our army did not immediately understand that the war in Poland was a military stroll, not a war,” said Joseph Stalin at a meeting of the high command on April 17, 1940, after a much less successful campaign in Finland. And later, many participants in the Great Patriotic War noted in their memoirs the enormous harm inflicted on the army and society by the overweening attitudes after the “Polish campaign”. |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
Regimental city of Sumy. What Ukrainian historians and comedians forgot |
2024-09-05 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Ilya Knorring [REGNUM] Along with the murderers and looters of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, propagandists also came to the Russian city of Sudzha - clearly not on their own, but “in a convoy” and with the consent of the command. ![]() In a video released on August 25 on the Ukrainian YouTube channel “Komik Plus Historian,” comedian Felix Redka and history popularizer Yevgeny Murza discuss the “history” of the captured Sudzha while sitting in one of the halls of the city’s local history museum. In essence, the "easy and casual conversation" boils down to a propaganda emphasis. The hour-long video is intended to prove that since "the city of Sudzha was founded by Cossacks" just like the local "fortress", this part of the Kursk region is supposedly an integral part of Ukraine. Proving the alleged Ukrainian origin of Sudzha, they "forgot" that the city itself, together with the district (uyezd) as part of the Kursk region (province), and the city of Sumy, where the comedian and historian come from, are originally Russian land, since 1503 continuously. And the fact that Little Russians settled there among other settlers and service people, this happened by the grace of the first Romanovs. So we will conduct our own excursion, but to the neighboring region. And fill the voids of the Sumy Regional Museum of Local History. Sumy Oblast is the most problematic region on the borders of Russia. Initially, when this administrative unit was created in 1939, it was historically and mentally mined. During its stay first as part of the Ukrainian SSR, and especially as part of independent Ukraine, the explosiveness of "Sumyshchyna" only increased. It was from there - from the territory where the abatis once stood, protecting the Russian kingdom - that the attack on the current Russian borderland, the Kursk region, took place. "YAROSLAVNA CRIES EARLY IN PUTIVL..." Actually, "Sumyshchyna", which is periodically mentioned in the Ukrainian media, is a colloquial neologism that appeared in the "mova" by historical standards yesterday. Before the Great Patriotic War, there was no Sumy region on the map of the Ukrainian SSR, and there was no province of the same name in the Russian Empire. If we were to look for a toponym ending in "-shchyna" in local history, it would be "Severshchina" or Severskaya Land, named after the ancient Slavic tribe of the northerners. They lived on the territory of today's Bryansk, Sumy, Kursk, Belgorod and Kharkov regions, "not suspecting" that in a thousand years their homeland would be divided by state borders. In 1097, the Lyubech congress of princes recognized Romen (now Romny) as belonging to the Pereyaslavl principality of Vladimir Monomakh, and Putivl as belonging to the Chernigov prince Oleg Svyatoslavich. His descendants owned the entire territory of the modern Sumy, Kursk, Chernigov and Bryansk regions. According to The Tale of Igor's Campaign, in 1185 Oleg's grandson, Prince Igor, ruled in Putivl (now a "foreign" city in the Sumy region), and Yaroslavna's lamentations were heard from the wall there. "Yaroslavna cries early in Putivl on the rampart, saying: "Bright and thrice bright sun! You are warm and beautiful to everyone: why, lord, have you spread your hot rays on the warriors of my lad?" - says "The Tale of Igor's Campaign" (translated from ancient into modern Russian by Dmitry Likhachev ). And here: “God shows Prince Igor the way from the Polovtsian land to the Russian land, to the paternal golden throne.” Igor's brother, "buoy-tur" Vsevolod, owned Kursk and Trubchevsky (a city in today's Bryansk region), and their nephew Vsevolod Olgovich owned Rylsk (in today's Kursk region). Rylsk retained its inheritance and already under Vasily the Dark swore allegiance to Moscow, and the descendants of the Rylsk princes, the Patrikeevichs, took seats in the Boyar Duma. Since 1503, all the lands of today's Sumy, Bryansk, Chernigov, Kursk, Kharkov and Belgorod regions (excluding Romeny and Konotop) went to Ivan III, but Chernigov was lost during the period from the Time of Troubles to the Pereyaslav Rada. RUSSIANS, CIRCASSIANS AND SOLDIERS These lands were repopulated later. Kursk, destroyed by raids of the Crimean Tatars and Nogais, was rebuilt under Ivan the Terrible's son, Feodor Ioannovich. Belgorod was founded as a border fortress in those same years. The territory of today's Sumy Oblast and Sudzha began to be developed later, under the second tsar of the Romanov dynasty, Alexei Mikhailovich. Two categories of settlers came to live in the borderlands: the Circassian Cossacks, who came from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth “under the hand” of the Moscow sovereign, and settlers from the central Russian lands. Putivl at the beginning of the 20th century. Annunciation Church This is where the peculiarities of local toponyms come from: nearby villages whose names differ only in clarification - Cherkasskoye or Russkoye. For example, Russkoe Porechnoe and Cherkasskoe Porechnoe in the present-day Sudzhansky district (Kursk region), Russkaya Lozovaya and Cherkasskaya Lozovaya near Kharkov, etc. Since the times when the fortified borders of the Russian state passed here, there have been villages with “military names” here - Pushkarnye in the Kursk and Belgorod regions and Pushkarovka in Sumy, the villages of Bolshoe Soldatskoe and several “simply” Soldatskie in the Kursk region, etc. Under Alexei Mikhailovich, the osadchiy - that is, the founder of the settlements - named Gerasim Kondratyev "came from beyond the Dnieper cities under the High-Sovereign hand" of the Tsar of "all great and small Russia," as stated in the petition of the Sumy Cossacks to the highest name from 1731. “He Gerasim Kondratyev called upon our grandfathers and fathers and relatives and many other people from the Dnieper and from the hetman cities, residents of the faithfulness to the Russian state, and first populated the city of Sumy, and then many towns and villages and villages near the city of Sumy, and set up regiments and monasteries and churches of God,” the Cossacks recalled. Sumy and Akhtyrka were called regimental cities, founded with the highest permission of the Russian Tsar. Lebedin, Nedrigailov, Belopolye and other strongholds of the Sloboda border of the Russian state joined them. "FROM THE CRESTS TO THE PRINCES" After the Pereyaslav Rada, the Little Russian lands, now part of the Sumy region, also found themselves under the tsar's scepter. Glukhov was the center of the hetman's power and the Little Russian Collegium. There was a launching pad there, from where, according to Pushkin, "the Ukrainians jumped into princes." Chancellor Alexander Bezborodko and the outstanding diplomat Andrei Razumovsky, one of the sons of the last hetman, were born in Glukhov. And when the borders of the Russian provinces were formed under the emperors Paul and Alexander I, Sumy and Akhtyrka remained Slobozhanshchina and were governed from Kharkov. Romny became a district town of the Poltava province, Putivl of the Kursk province, and Glukhov and Konotop of the Chernigov province. The Jewish Pale of Settlement also passed along the historical border of Slobozhanshchina and Little Russia. In 1924, the Soviet government reshuffled the geographical maps, as previously reported in detail by the Regnum news agency. The Putivl district of the RSFSR was transferred to the Ukrainian SSR as a Russian national region, and the territories of the old provinces were divided into districts. Then again the Kharkov region, and only in January 1939 the Sumy region appeared. CHERRY ORCHARDS, HUSSARS AND PILOTS What outstanding names the big country has not received from this territory! In Akhtyrka he served in the hussar regiment, and then it was commanded by Denis Davydov. It was this military unit that became the basis of the partisan movement in 1812. One of the founders of the Russian sugar industry, Ivan Kharitonenko, was born in the vicinity of Sumy, and the founder of Russian erotic prose, Mikhail Artsybashev, was born in the Akhtyrsky district. In Sumy there is the Lintvarev estate, where Chekhov and his family members visited many times. According to some sources, that very cherry orchard is located there. Its last owner, Georgy Lintvarev, was a prominent zemstvo figure and a deputy of the first Duma. A native of the Belovody estate in Sumy district, Nikanor Savich sat in the third and fourth Dumas, and thanks to him, parliamentarians supported the program for the development of the navy proposed by Admiral Grigorovich. Nikanor Vasilyevich deserves considerable credit for the fact that the Russian Navy was ready for the First World War. The most successful fighter pilot of the Soviet Air Force, three times Hero of the Soviet Union Ivan Kozhedub, was born in the village of Obrazhievka in the Glukhov district. He shot down 64 enemy aircraft, including two American ones in the skies over Korea. MEDICAL HISTORY With the proclamation of Ukraine's independence, the "assembled composition" of the region made itself known. Ukrainization took place there quite easily, and political forces that dominated from a certain time were completely different from, say, in the neighboring Kharkov and even Poltava regions. At its peak, the Party of Regions showed more than modest results there. What is the reason for such electoral behavior? Of course, and in the fact that the region was created on the principle of a patchwork quilt. And in the fact that in the village of Khoruzhevka in the Nedrigailovsky district, Viktor Yushchenko was born into a family of descendants of serfs of Count Yuri Golovkin. But the third and perhaps most significant reason for such sentiments was Volodymyr Shcherban, a native of Donetsk who held the post of head of the regional state administration from 1999 to 2005. His authoritarian and rude leadership style caused rejection among local voters. Since Yushchenko came to power in 2005, nationalists have been in the clear lead in all elections. Moreover, the mayor of Konotop is Artem Semenikhin, the only one outside Galicia, a representative of the openly Nazi Svoboda party. In 1992, Joseph Brodsky wrote: "It is not the green-and-white, isotope-scorched one, but the yellow-and-blue one that flies over Konotop." Now the forces that act not under the "yellow-and-blue" but under the red-and-black Bandera flag dictate their rights to "legitimate" power. In 2022, Russian troops entered the territory of the Sumy region, but did not enter large cities. And they left quickly, as a "gesture of goodwill." So the region managed to avoid mass reprisals by the VSSU against local residents who welcomed the liberators, unlike the Kharkiv and Kherson regions. But it is in Sumy Oblast that the Ukrainian Armed Forces have come very close to the border of three Russian regions - Bryansk, Kursk and Belgorod Oblasts - and are constantly shelling. The invasion of Kursk Oblast was also organized from there. So the transformation of Sumy Oblast into at least a demilitarized sanitary zone is inevitable. And then most of its residents will probably remember their Russian roots and come out of their state of ideological insanity. |
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Why Kyiv spends money on the Holodomor | |
2023-07-21 | |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Anatoly Savenko
Ukrainians are massively outraged in social networks that such expenses in the midst of a war are unacceptable. Especially against the backdrop of problems with the financing of the army and payments to servicemen who were never returned additional payments of 30 thousand, citing a shortage of funds. The easiest way to get outraged is to count how many drones and other weapons could be bought for "museum" millions and instead of a huge trident in the Motherland. “If during the war, instead of producing drones, the Rada allocates more than half a billion hryvnias for construction work in the Holodomor Museum, then this is important for me. Because more than 30,000 FPV drones could be made with these hundreds of millions of hryvnias. ... The war will not end in the coming months, and maybe even years. Therefore, all of our meager, in comparison with Russia, budgets should be directed as much as possible to the approach of Ukraine's victory. We will definitely complete the museum after the war,” wrote the former head of the Chernihiv Regional State Administration, and now an employee of the First Volunteer Mobile Hospital Pirogov, Andrey Prokopenko. All these people could be standardly accused of lack of patriotism, but now it is unlikely to succeed. Therefore, the authorities simply keep a mysterious silence and do their own thing. Because, in principle, it cannot be otherwise. This project is quite old. The Holodomor Museum (“National Museum of the Holodomor-Genocide,” as its full name looks like) is a megaproject of President Viktor Yushchenko. He himself repeatedly said that he sees the opening of the museum as his main task in the presidency. If now Vladimir Zelensky is rolling around the world and begging for money and/or weapons everywhere, then Yushchenko was rolling around the world asking parliaments and governments to condemn the Holodomor. And later - also to recognize it as the genocide of Ukrainians. Well, the museum itself was, as it were, the center of attraction for the large-scale politics of the death cult, launched after the "orange revolution." A lot of monuments of local importance fanned out from it. Not all of them were opened under Yushchenko, but a good half were installed in 2005-2009, i.е. during his presidency. And in total in Ukraine there are about a hundred different kinds of commemorative signs, and in a mysterious way, some of them are even in those settlements that in 1932-33. were not part of the Ukrainian SSR (Ternopil and Lvov regions). The point was not to honor the memory of the innocent victims. The Holodomor concept promoted by Yushchenko and his successors suggests that: - the famine was a planned act: a genocide; - the goal of the Holodomor was the destruction of the Ukrainian nation; - the leadership of the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR planned and implemented the genocide. The result of the enormous effort and money spent on "clarifying the truth" was the simple formula "Russians have always killed Ukrainians." Just out of pure hatred, for no reason. Therefore, there is no point in thinking about where the victims of the famine in the Polish Tarnopol and Lvov could come from, not to mention the numerous victims of the famine in the RSFSR and Kazakhstan. During his presidency, Yushchenko managed to open only the first stage of the memorial, leaving the completion of construction to his successors. So the construction of the second stage in itself was not initially some kind of sensation. It's just that the last couple of years have been very eventful in terms of events, so the Ukrainians simply forgot about the completion of the museum. But the authorities have not forgotten. The finalization of construction started under Petro Poroshenko in 2017, and according to the plan, it should be completed just in 2023, on the 90th anniversary of the tragic events. So, on the one hand, everything is within the framework of a decent completion of what has been started. But, on the other hand, constantly demanding money from society for the defense of the country, not solving problems with payments to the families of the dead, while throwing out countless millions on mourning cast in bronze for those who died a hundred years ago, is somehow immoral. But this dispute today is initially conducted in the wrong voice. The construction of the memorial was originally a way to steal money, so it is simply impossible to curtail such an important undertaking in favor of spending it on some drones , albeit very important ones. And this is not our opinion, but the conclusion of the Accounts Chamber of Ukraine. In 2009, she concluded that the cost of design alone exceeded the estimate by almost five times - UAH 27.5 and 133.8 million, respectively ($5.5 and 26.8 million). Money from the sky How volunteering in Ukraine became the best business In total, during Yushchenko's time, at least 500 million hryvnias ($100 million) were spent on the museum from the budget. And taking into account the almost fivefold losses in the design alone, one can only guess how many of these 100 million went into the pockets of officials. Against the background of these expenses, the current 570 million hryvnia ($15.5 million) seem frivolous. But to this we need to add another UAH 2 billion ($77 million). So much for the museum was allocated in 2017 and 2018 to finance the work for the period until 2021. In addition, the company, which then won the tender for completion, in 2017-2018. carried out various preliminary works for a total amount of another UAH 336 million ($13 million). That is, in total, the second phase is already drawing in $105 million. The company that won the tender, according to good tradition, was caught stealing budget funds. But they did not replay the tender. By the way, in 2009 the Counting Commission estimated the cost of construction of the second stage at UAH 473 million ($95 million). That is, the project again got out of the estimate, and the total cost of the museum has already exceeded $200 million. In other words, those who today say “Is there no place to put money in a warring country?” they see only a piece of the famine problem that has existed since at least 2006 - since the Ukrainian parliament voted for the law “On the famine of 1932-1933. in Ukraine". It was he who laid the foundation for the systematic spending of budgetary funds for this endless construction. All this time, those in power have been stealing this money, hiding behind the famine - why should they stop now? The issue of financing is also important here because it is a kind of key to understanding the essence of the problem and its connection with current events. Such structures are very often built on donations at least, and sometimes completely. Examples include the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Complex or the Rzhev Memorial. And in the museum of the history of the Holodomor - entirely budgetary millions. So what: Ukrainians do not appreciate their loved ones who became victims of the famine of the early 30s? The fact that the Holodomor Museum was originally not about memory and not about the 30s. This is such a local version of the Marvel multiverse, in which Ukrainians were tried to be wiped out in the bud. And they, in spite of all the deaths, survived. And now we have to take revenge. History and memory were replaced with myth and comics. In this sense, it is indicative to follow not only construction costs, but also the increase in the number of Holodomor victims. From 2-3 million, it has already grown to 10 million. Since the famine named after Viktor Yushchenko, Russian-Ukrainian relations began to deteriorate sharply. He became a simple and understandable reason to hate Russia and Russians for the younger generation. A few years later, in 2014, this will come back to haunt the beginning of the conflict in the Donbass. Many of the Ukrainian military then swayed for a long time, but the charged nationalist youth did not. “These are the Russians and their accomplices, the time has come for them to answer for the Holodomor and for all other grievances.” Therefore, no matter how Ukrainians shout in social networks, they will not stop allocating money for the museum. Not only because what has been started needs to be completed. And not only because the third generation of the political elite has joined to steal on the construction of the museum. But also because the museum was originally conceived as an ideological justification for Russophobia as the national idea of Ukraine. And what could be more relevant for Kyiv today? | |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
On a scooter through a cemetery, or why the dead in Ukraine are more valuable than the living |
2023-06-22 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. by Anatoly Savenko [REGNUM] The mayor of Ivano-Frankivsk, Ruslan Martsynkiv, even before being elected to this position back in 2015, made it clear to fellow countrymen that he was not easy, oh, how difficult. He took it and consecrated the city elevators. And now the townspeople go up and down with God's help. But now the mayor has a new hobby - necrourbanism. An entry appeared in the politician’s account, the screenshots of which immediately scattered through the media and social networks. In it, Martsynkiv writes that he receives many complaints: it is difficult to move around the city cemeteries, they have grown so much during the war. And, as they say, meeting the needs of the working people, the city authorities decided to equip the cemeteries with new services - the rental of scooters and bicycles. Moreover, the mayor, as a zealous owner should be, is not only ready to solve the problem now, but also looks into the future. Therefore, the City Hall plans to launch a bus route through the cemetery. But this business is still stalling due to the lack of road signs on the churchyard. “We are doing everything so that people can visit the graves of their relatives without obstacles,” the politician concluded optimistically. By the way, in accordance with fashionable urban trends, the buses that the mayor plans to run around the cemetery should be equipped with electric motors. Such a reduction in the "carbon footprint" will certainly be greatly appreciated in the EU. With the growth of cemeteries in Ivano-Frankivsk and other cities of Ukraine, the authorities are trying to fight the exhumation of bodies from nameless and ownerless graves. In particular, the bodies of soldiers who died during the First World War. But, judging by the plans to introduce scooters and buses, this does not help much. If we think about these initiatives from a distance, then we will see here the intersection of several cultural traditions at once. First, Greek. Cemetery in Greek "necropolis" - the city of the dead, if literally. That is also a kind of urban environment. And since the city, then urban amenities are needed, everything is fair. Secondly, a common theme for the southern and western borders of historical Russia is coffins (Radunitsa). Of course, not only Ukrainians commemorate the dead, and not only in Ukraine. But it is in Ukraine that this turns into a pilgrimage to the places of rest, a kind of family picnic on the graves (hence, in fact, the name). Therefore, not single scooters. Just for the convenience of holding coffins in the areas, many put a bench with a table (others - and a barbecue). However, the matter is not limited to coffins. A person who is intimately familiar with Ukrainian culture at some point notices that it is heavily involved, if not in the cult of death as such, then in the observance of accompanying rituals and related paraphernalia. A kind of Santa Muerte in the Ukrainian way. In Mexico and a number of other countries in South America, this term refers to a specific cult of death. However, only individual elements of the cult are more common, such as the hypertrophied (in comparison with the rest of the Catholic world) celebration of All Saints' Day. And in 2003, the UN even officially recognized Santa Muerte as a cultural heritage of Mexico. But Ukrainian non-urban practices, just like Latin American ones, grow up on the periphery of the Catholic world, which gave birth here to such a specific phenomenon as Uniatism or Greek Catholicism. Here, Catholic and, more broadly, Christian practices are also intertwined with folk beliefs, which are common not only in Galicia, but also in the Dnieper Ukraine. It is enough to look at the work of Shevchenko and Gogol. Crosses, graves, constant appeal to the authority of ancestors (whose wrath should be feared by unworthy descendants or oppressors of the Ukrainian people). But after all, Shevchenko and Gogol obviously did not come up with this themselves, they took what lay on the surface, from which the life of the people around them was woven. Otherwise, all this Santa Muerte would have remained only in their work. As soon as the new Ukraine came into force after the Euromaidan, the Ukrainian Santa Muerte turned from a regional feature of the southern Russian lands into one of the state-forming practices. Still fresh in my memory is the example of the "Heavenly Hundred" with liturgies and farewells right on the Maidan. Later, at the suggestion of Western Ukraine, the ritualization of seeing off the soldiers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the National Battalions who died during the fighting in the Donbass came into fashion. The coffins are solemnly carried through the whole city, the townspeople line up on their knees along the route, without fail they round up the children. In cemeteries, the grave is optionally decorated either in the colors of the state flag, or in red and black flags of the UPA * (an organization banned in Russia). But sorrow alone was not enough, it clearly wanted to be converted into something visible and useful. Like patriotic education. This spring, the idea was embodied in the so-called. "Pantheon of Heroes" is a military memorial complex, which is planned to be created in Kyiv. The idea was rushed back in the days of Viktor Yushchenko and under this case they planned to exhume the ashes of Bandera, Petliura and Konovalets. Only now, no one knew then what to do with him next. The pantheon is too big for three figures. Drag Shevchenko there as well? But the poet, as if foreseeing the necropsychosis of his descendants, clearly indicated where he wanted to lie. In general, then the idea was abandoned. And under Zelensky, they shook it off and pulled it out of the closet. After all, now the heroes, as they say, “I want to row the gati” (at least build a dam). Even the planned 50,000 burials may not be enough. At the same time, it is very convenient: if you want, you can hold events yourself, if you want, you can bring foreign guests. As the experience of Ivano-Frankivsk shows, the infrastructure nearby will grow rapidly. And although Zelensky prefers to call it a pantheon, in fact such a complex is the same necropolis. The question arises: why is all this necessary? Why do people want to build and equip cemeteries instead of building houses and planting gardens? Probably because the conditional "cyborg" and hero-defender, while he is alive, the authorities do not particularly need. And that is harmful. He does not pay taxes, but provide him with medicine, provide a kindergarten and school for his children, pay a large salary. But putting him in the pantheon, you can tell the younger generation about how bad Muscovites are. And be calm: since Muscovites are bad, it means that the one who shouts about it louder is automatically good. Again, there are no discrepancies in the cemetery, and pluralism in the minds of its visitors immediately decreases. Here is a memorial-necropolis and 50 thousand heroes rammed into it. And now let someone try to say that everything is not so simple in the Donbass, and its residents in 2014 needed to be listened to. This is how the Ukrainian political class cements its present and future. Not to mention the fact that all this is generously paid for by Europe. That's just another 50 billion euros arrived. Perhaps the transformation of Ukraine into a necropolis is the national idea that Ukrainian politicians have been looking for since gaining independence? |
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Ukraine is paying the price for a 20-year-old choice |
2023-04-19 |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. [REGNUM] A collapsed economy, territorial disintegration, millions of refugees - following the results of 30 years of independence, Ukraine turned out to be a failed state. The point of no return was passed not in 2022 and not in 2014, but much earlier. But Ukraine had a chance to choose an alternative version of history - the one that Vladimir Putin offered Kyiv 23 years ago. Exactly 23 years ago, on April 18, 2000, Vladimir Putin made his first state visit to Kiev as Russia's new leader. He met with the second Ukrainian president, Leonid Kuchma , discussed with him the most pressing issues of bilateral relations at that time: Ukraine's debts for Russian gas and the fate of the Black Sea Fleet. Putin proposed various formats for restoring and strengthening ties, primarily economic ones. Even then, there was talk of what would be called the Eurasian Economic Community in 2001, and now the Eurasian Union, which Ukraine has never joined. ![]() "The option of integration into the EAEU was an objective chance for Ukraine to accelerate the recovery of industry after the economic crisis of the 1990s," Nikita Mendkovich, head of the Eurasian Analytical Club, told REGNUM . "The countries of the former USSR were designed for cooperation, complementing each other, and the Ukrainian economy would easily find its place, unlike the option with the EU." If this alternative scenario became a reality, there would be a sharp revival of the machine-building industry that Ukraine inherited from the USSR. Including aviation and missile production, which were tied to subcontractors in Russia and Belarus, Mendkovich notes. Metallurgy had good prospects. "Successful integration could lead to serious economic growth and raise the standard of living up to the indicators of Russian industrial regions," the expert pointed out. But history, as you know, does not tolerate the subjunctive mood. The real Ukraine, whose elite has several times chosen to break with Russia and become “anti-Russia”, by 2023 has turned into a failed state — a failed state. CONSEQUENCE OF SYSTEM ERRORS A total of 40% of the lost volumes of metallurgy and harvest. Reducing GDP by a third. Seven million fled the country. Crimea, Donbass, Zaporozhye and Kherson regions, who chose life outside the Ukrainian state. 60% of the expenditure items of the budget, formed exclusively by external borrowing. Experts (both Russian and Western) agree that even if the Kiev leadership manages to maintain control over part of the current territory following the results of the NWO, the recovery process will at least reach the level of 2022 (i.e., to the level of one of the poorest countries Europe) can take a very long time. Entire generations will have to pay for the mistakes of the Ukrainian authorities over the past 9 years. Or is it the last 20 years? After all, Ukraine had a chance not to embark on this path - the path of the state-anti-Russia, which led the country to the current nowhere. Russia offered her an alternative road - to good neighborliness, coexistence, economic and cultural integration. Of course, in the proposal of Moscow, with which President Putin arrived in April 2000, there was not only an economic, but also a geopolitical moment. Even then, at the beginning of the 2000s, it was clear that NATO was not ready to cooperate with Russia as an equal player, not ready to build a system of collective and indivisible security in Europe jointly with Moscow. Instead, the alliance will expand to the east, first at the expense of the former social bloc, then at the expense of the countries of the post-Soviet space - and above all Ukraine. Even then it was obvious that his goal would be to contain Russia - to prevent its revival and restoration of influence in Europe. That for the sake of this deterrence, the leadership of the alliance will sacrifice its satellites - including Ukraine. Apparently, Vladimir Putin warned the Ukrainian leaders about all this, but they no longer listened to him. Because they didn't want to, and they couldn't. THE WEST USED UKRAINE AS A CONSUMABLE "Putin, having headed Russia, quite sincerely wanted to maintain good-neighborly and mutually beneficial relations with his neighbors in the ex-USSR. But in ten years the situation has changed dramatically. By 2000, Ukraine was taken under total control by the Anglo-Saxons (through business, politicians, the media, the cultural and scientific elite)," Sergei Veselovsky, a political observer for the Krym TV channel, told REGNUM . At the same time, the Americans tied and tied the Ukrainian political elite not only and not even so much with their own hands - all binding programs (through cultural influence, various educational programs and other “soft power” tools) were carried out mainly by European hands. Primarily Eastern European. "They were very influential, both directly and indirectly. Especially Poland and the Czech Republic, which have an extensive network of NGOs. In addition, they showed Ukraine the “right” path. In addition, they played on linguistic kinship and created the appearance of special closeness, presenting themselves as an alternative Slavic pole to Russia. And it worked then, and now it works even more," Vadim Trukhachev, an associate professor at the Russian State Humanitarian University, told REGNUM. Eastern European partners did not forget about their interests. "Warsaw never forgot about Zbigniew Brzezinski's formula that Russia without Ukraine ceases to be an empire. So here, being a conductor of American interests, Poland is the very rare case when a country is a beneficiary of allied relations with the United States," Dmitry Ofitserov-Belsky, senior researcher at IMEMO RAS, explained to REGNUM. "If Poland could be considered a conductor of American influence, then the Czech Republic is more likely the influence of the EU as a whole. And, of course, both did not forget about their interests. Moreover, Poland is more about historical and geopolitical, and the Czech Republic is more about geo-economic: the development of the Ukrainian market, the closure of local competitors and the displacement of Russian ones," said Trukhachev. As a result, through the joint efforts of Western leaders and the Ukrainian oligarchic elite (who imagined themselves to be the masters of the country), Ukraine was not allowed to embark on the path proposed by Putin. And in 2004 they formalized this ban through the first Maidan. "Attempts to “buy” Kuchma with mutually beneficial prospects have crashed against the wall of total sabotage of the Ukrainian politicians. Leonid Danilovich was bound and tied. And when in 2004 he convulsively twitched for the last time, he got the “third round” and the American Viktor Yushchenko," says Veselovsky. EUROMAIDAN WON The "orange" Maidan of 2004-2005 not only closed Ukraine's path to a normal existence, but led to the beginning of the process of destruction of Ukrainian statehood as such. "The point of no return was the “third round” of the presidential elections of 2004, when, under external coercion and on the basis of the Bandera “underground,” the construction of a new unconstitutional and illegal state system began, an ideology that encourages corruption and Nazism," Alexei Mukhin, director general of the Center for Political Information, explained to REGNUM news agency. President Yushchenko, who came to power, began at an accelerated pace to build from Ukraine not “non-Russia”, which it was under Kuchma, but “anti-Russia”. If someone believed that after the departure of Yushchenko and the arrival of the conditionally “pro-Russian” Viktor Yanukovych in 2010, there was a remission, then this was not so. "It was a mistake on our part to believe that Yanukovych-2010 is Yanukovych-2004. The Anglo-Saxons reformatted Viktor Fedorovich in five years, surrounded him with the Levochkins (Sergey Lyovochkin at the time of the Maidan served as the head of the administration of President Yanukovych and, according to rumors, was responsible for the provocative dispersal of students) and led to the 2014 coup as weak-willed and “warm," noted Veselovsky. It was Yanukovych's entourage that pushed him towards an anti-Russian course - in particular, it pulled Ukraine into association with the European Union. The signing of the Association Agreement was positioned as a step for Ukraine to join the EU, but in fact led to a further weakening of the local economy and a rupture of existing ties with the Russian and Eurasian markets. "In reality, as we know, Ukrainian exports seriously degraded when trying to enter the European market, which took place on the most unfavorable conditions. The draft association agreement with the EU for Ukraine provided for much worse conditions than for most other candidates at that time. The country was deprived of even the minimum rights to a policy of protectionism and support its own producers, including for adaptation to EU standards," says Mendkovich. And when Yanukovych, who was under pressure from Ukrainian industrialists and who had an alternative proposal from Moscow in his hands, refused to sign the document, a second Maidan took place in Ukraine - or, as it is also called, Euromaidan. Unlike the first one, it is much more Bandera, anti-Russian. He put an end not only to Russian attempts to improve relations with a neighboring country, but also to the statehood of this country. The influence of external destructive players has increased dramatically. "To put it simply, in order for Polish influence in Ukraine to be possible, the state institutions of Ukraine must be weakened to the limit, which happened," says Dmitry Ofitserov-Belsky. In fact, Petro Poroshenko and his successor Vladimir Zelensky doomed Ukrainians to the fate of cannon fodder for the implementation of the West's plans to contain Russia. The West was not ready to give up these plans - in fact, that is why it rejected the proposals of Vladimir Putin (who was desperate to negotiate directly with Kiev) on guarantees of Russia's security. This means that Moscow no longer had any choice but to protect its interests with the help of a special military operation. April 18, 2023 Gevorg Mirzayan |
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On fixing war crimes in Ukraine | |
2022-08-08 | |
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited. Commentary taken from a yandex.ru blog post, written by Sergey Sergey Buntovsky. [ColonelCassad] It is impossible to say that after 1991 Ukraine was at the center of European, let alone world attention. The vast majority of foreigners, when asked about Ukraine, could only remember Chernobyl, the Klitschko brothers
![]() Then, during Ukrainian former resident Viktor Yushchenko's time, many Western specialists worked in the country, most of whom directly or indirectly promoted the interests of their employers, but some political scientists and sociologists tried to be objective, studying the whole palette of opinions. Although when my colleagues and I (I was then a member of the local council and an activist in one of the Donbass public organizations) told them about the revival with the support of the official government of Nazism and the inevitable subsequent conflict between neo-Bandera and pro-Russian regions, they perceived our fears as extremely exaggerated, and wrote off Nazism to the games of the marginalized. The second spike in global interest in Ukraine was in 2013/14, when hundreds of foreign journalists flew in to cover the coup d'état. Naturally, the information in their media was presented extremely one-sidedly: 95 percent of foreign journalists did not leave Kyiv and openly played along with the Maidan, but there were those who were not too lazy to go to the Russian-speaking regions. We then took them around Donetsk, where the Russian spring began, talked about our problems, explained the essence of what was happening. For employees of a very serious international office who flew to Donbass, my colleagues and I created a whole dossier covering the violation of the rights of Russian-speaking citizens in various spheres of life. As a result, it was possible to establish human relations with some foreigners, although it was clear that at best they remain neutral, and even sympathize with the Ukrainians “who made a democratic choice.” However, I believe that if they began to work objectively, their materials would be shelved by their direct superiors. Moreover, this applies to both “independent” journalists and employees of international structures who, taking advantage of their position, worked freely on both sides of the front line from 2014 to 2022. I can’t speak about all foreigners, but some of them changed their minds during the war years. They regularly saw the real very dirty deeds of the heroes of the ATO, encountered the Nazis and found out whose artillery was shooting down the cities. So they tried to document what was happening and somehow influence the Ukrainian security forces. An example of one such attempt to make the Armed Forces of Ukraine be human can be a letter from the Chairperson of the UN Monitoring Mission for Human Rights, Matilda Bogner, sent to Lieutenant General Oleksandr Pavliuk on January 25, 2022. Official copies of this letter were sent to a number of Kyiv officials, who either did not respond at all or limited themselves to empty replies. Therefore, the document was handed over to several civil activists. So a copy of this voluminous document reached me. The letter was written based on the results of monitoring conducted by UN staff from September 1 to December 31, 2021. Most of the letter consists of a multi-page list of those killed and wounded, as well as a scrupulous enumeration of destroyed residential buildings and infrastructure. That is, I have in my hands the unemotional statistics of the nightmare that Kyiv arranged in the recalcitrant region. However, there are also emotional moments in the document when Matilda addresses the Ukrainian general. At the same time, when reading a letter, one must take into account that Ms. Bogner, firstly, is very loyal to Kyiv, and secondly, she is a diplomat and expresses herself with the greatest possible tact, carefully wrapping her real thoughts in tinsel that is pleasant for the addressee. For example, she wrote:"I would like to remind you that ... all parties to the conflict are obliged to adhere to the applicable rules of international humanitarian law." Translated from diplomatic language into plain language, this means: “General, your soldiers are violating the rules of war so massively and grossly that it is no longer possible to turn a blind eye to this!” Or this: "... I would be grateful if your command would carry out the necessary internal checks on compliance with the above-mentioned norms of international civil law by units of the armed forces of Ukraine, the fire of which probably led to the above-mentioned cases of death or injury of civilians ..." I translate : "Explain to your freaks that you can’t just shoot people at will and shoot at residential areas. This is a war crime." “... I would like to raise with you the issue of the deployment of military facilities in populated areas ... our monitoring ... has found a clear relationship between the presence of military units under your command in populated areas and civilian casualties” This doesn’t even need a translation. Where militants appear with a trident on their cockade, blood begins to flow. "I would like to recall that, in accordance with customary international humanitarian law, parties to an armed conflict should avoid placing military objectives in or near densely populated areas." It turns out that the practice of placing Ukrainian military equipment among residential buildings, and the personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in schools with hospitals and turning ordinary citizens into human shields, was widespread in the Armed Forces of Ukraine long before the start of the Russian special operation. And not just journalists are talking about this, but UN officials. Well, then Matilda writes a lot of beautiful words about the fact that soldiers should take care of the safety of civilians, try to avoid accidental killings of civilians and the destruction of civilian objects, or, as Mrs. Bogner put it: "at least to reduce such cases to a minimum." And the icing on the cake is the phrase: "I would like to urge you to ensure that the armed forces under your command always respect the obligations in the field of international humanitarian law." Despite the fact that the words are in the form of a wish, this is a very serious statement. In fact, this is a direct accusation of the Ukrainian security forces in the mass commission of war crimes. In addition, the letter contains various tables and graphs from which interesting conclusions can be drawn. Here, for example, is a table that analyzes the places where civilians were killed as a result of shelling. 81.4% of those killed fall on the territory of the People's Republics and another 2.3% in the gray zone. The Ukrainian-controlled part of Donbas accounted for 16.3% of civilian deaths, respectively. The difference is colossal and indicates that it is the Armed Forces of Ukraine that are guilty of the vast majority of deaths, since it was they who shot the cities of the republics. Thus, UN experts testify that the Ukrainian security forces massively and openly violated international humanitarian law, but none of the European or American politicians made any effort to stop the killing of residents of eastern Ukraine by the armed forces of Kyiv. Adds Russian military journalist Boris Rozhin: It is worth noting that almost all the “UN recommendations” regarding the war crimes committed by Ukraine, which are cited in these documents, have already migrated in an accusatory manner to the latest report of Amnesty International, which caused a whole hysteria in Ukraine and the resignation of the head of the Ukrainian branch of Amnesty International, which was simply suspended from the preparation of the report, since even in such a grant-eating organization as Amnesty International they perfectly understood that no objectivity, even decorative, could be expected from it. Separately, it is worth noting that the Zelensky gang is yelling about the fact that Amnesty International accuses the UAF of a large number of victims due to the deployment of troops in schools and city blocks, indicating that the UAF cannot be blamed for this, because Russia attacked. As we see from the UN documents, the Armed Forces of Ukraine were accused of this even before the start of the JMD. Of course, we have been well aware of this since 2014. Here, of course, the beef is that now this topic has leaked into the Western press through the report of Amnesty International, and the Zelensky gang is now hastily extinguishing this fire, accusing Amnesty International of helping Putin. Although the bottom line is only the desire of the Zelensky gang to evade responsibility for the committed systemic war crimes, for which Zelensky himself is directly responsible. leaked to the Western press and the Zelensky gang is now hastily extinguishing this fire, accusing Amnesty International of helping Putin. | |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
Ukraine could rehabilitate 53 members of anti Bolshevik resistance |
2021-02-03 |
KYIV , January 29, 2020 , 15:21 - REGNUMThe archival files of 53 members of the Ukrainian liberation movement, who resisted the establishment of Soviet power on the territory of present-day Ukraine, for which they were subjected to repression, were transferred to the Ukrainian National Commission for Rehabilitation by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). This was reported on January 29 by the SBU press service. The press service said that the work of searching and reviewing the cases of Ukrainians, who were repressed by the Soviet regime, has been going on in the SBU for more than 25 years. “Due to the imperfection of the legislative framework, the cases of the participants in the Ukrainian revolution of 1917-1921 and the national underground in the first quarter of the last century remained classified for a long time. In 2018, there were positive legislative changes that significantly improved the procedure for reviewing these cases, ”the SBU said in a statement. In addition, it is indicated that due to these changes in the legislation, at present anyone can apply for this kind of rehabilitation - the general public, activists, etc., and not just relatives. In addition, the message emphasizes that these cases were transferred to the rehabilitation commission for the Day of Heroes of Krut, celebrated in Ukraine on January 29. As reported by IA REGNUM , earlier the authorities of the Ukrainian city of Ivano-Frankivsk organized a solemn ceremony of farewell to the last member of the SS Galicia division in the city, Mikhail Mulik, who died on January 25 at the age of 99. HISTORY OF THE ISSUE The rehabilitation of fascist collaborators began in Ukraine immediately after independence. In 1995, the Lviv Regional Council recognized the UPA as a belligerent in World War II, and its veterans as fighters for the freedom and independence of Ukraine. Since 2005, the country annually celebrates the anniversary of the creation of the army on October 14. Attempts to rehabilitate nationalists in Ukraine intensified with the coming to power of Viktor Yushchenko. In 2007, one of the UPA leaders, Roman Shukhevych, was awarded the title "Hero of Ukraine", and later the president of the country, by his decree, recognized the members of the army as fighters for independence. Meanwhile, the issue of the attitude towards the OUN-UPA remains extremely controversial in the country, the largest percentage of supporters of their recognition as freedom fighters is noted in the western regions of the country, especially in the Lviv region. |
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Home Front: Politix |
Former Special Forces Officer Warns of Color Revolution Tactics Used Against Trump |
2020-12-11 |
[ET] Color revolution tactics that have been used against foreign leaders are now being used by President Donald Trump’s opponents to oust him, a former special forces officer has warned. "A color revolution is a tactic to affect regime change," the officer, who asked to remain anonymous, told The Epoch Times. "What I see happening is a Marxist insurgency that’s using a color revolution to affect regime change." The 2019 Transition Integrity Project, according to the officer, is an indicator that the events of this year’s presidential election were "transparently orchestrated" by "Marxist elements within the Democratic Party and their Marxist allies in foreign governments." "It may not have fallen out just as they wanted, because anytime you carry out an operation like this, the enemy will get a vote. But the plan was we will not concede the election. The goal here was never the presidency," the officer said. "The goal of the opposition was to fundamentally change the country. They are attacking the efficacy of the Constitution." To achieve their goal, the anti-Trump opposition focused their main effort on affecting the election, the officer said. Some of the most notable color revolutions took place amid turmoil sparked by disputed elections. In 2004, mass protests in Ukraine following allegations of a fraudulent presidential election, which initially showed pro-Russia Viktor Yanukovych as the winner, led to a new vote won by Viktor Yushchenko, the candidate backed by the European Union and the United States. The officer said the tactics used by the anti-Trump opposition can be found in the Special Forces’ guide for overthrowing a government. "What you’re getting from me, this is supported in all older unconventional warfare doctrines," the officer said. "You could go to our manuals and pull from them the information I’m telling you. This isn’t from someone who’s a rabid Trump supporter. This is what’s happening." The officer then talked about how President Barack Obama used his eight years in office to "seed his political allies all through the institutions," created an "underground" or "shadow government" supported by legacy media and rioters. "With the president being unable to get his own people into the administration, we effectively had a third administration of Obama," the officer said. "So we come to what we have today: The underground are the elements within the government. We saw how they opposed the president, how they tried the impeachment." "The press is the auxiliary on the outside. The only thing we’re missing is a real guerrilla force, and we would be mistaken to think that’s just Antifa or Black Lives Matter. There are professional revolutionaries within those movements." |
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