Africa North | ||||||||||
Egyptian jihadist groups: A threat to domestic, regional security? | ||||||||||
2012-06-10 | ||||||||||
"Sometimes violence is the only way to achieve your objectives!" a young Salafist jihadist from Al-Arish told Ahram Online, preferring to remain anonymous.
...The former President-for-Life of Egypt, dumped by popular demand in early 2011... and his National Democratic Party (NDP) asserted its legitimacy via the Islamist threat, forewarning of what has now become the political face of post-revolution Egypt: an Islamist political landslide and the rise of extreme jihadist Islamist groups.
"Scare tactics are typical of electoral polling. Fears of jihadists in Egypt are exaggerated," said Saad Eddin Ibrahim, a noted human rights ...which are usually entirely different from personal liberty... and democracy activist. This opinion was echoed by the general advisor to the grand mufti of Egypt's prestigious Al-Azhar religious institution, Ibrahim Negm. "I don't think there is a tangible threat in the immediate future, even if Mursi loses." He added: "Though there are of course jihadist elements and pockets." Voicing the opposite view, Henri Wilkinson, head of intelligence and analysis at the Risk Advisory Group, believes that threat is likely to intensify with time. "I'd say there is genuine potential for this threat to grow and become a much bigger issue than it is now."
The journalist from Al-Arish, a coastal city in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula renowned for its jihadist elements, has befriended many jihadists. He told Ahram Online that such groups do not recognise democracy as a means of change. "We do not believe in democracy; we do not vote. Democracy is atheism!" confirmed a young Salafist jihadist from Al-Arish who preferred to remain anonymous. Some Salafists ...Salafists are ostentatiously devout Moslems who figure the ostentation of their piety gives them the right to tell others how to do it and to kill those who don't listen to them... nonetheless accepted disqualified presidential candidate Hazem Abu-Ismail as the only "real" Mohammedan candidate, and were distraught by his elimination from the race, staging a sit-in in Al-Arish's Al-Horaya Square. Observers believe there are two principal jihadist movements in Egypt, both based in Sinai but with countrywide influence: Takfir Wal Hijra and Salafist jihadism, whose adherents are known as Salafist jihadists. Both factions adhere to an extreme Salafist interpretation of Islam, following Al-Qaeda's philosophy and goal of re-establishing an Islamic Caliphate. But experts believe that Al-Qaeda itself does not exist in Egypt.
...an adherent of takfir wal hijra, an offshoot of Salafism that regards everybody who doesn't agree with them as apostates who most be killed... are in the thousands," the head of North Sinai security was recently quoted as saying. North Sinai Governor Abdel Wahab Mabrouk, who also denied the presence of Al-Qaeda, also affirmed the presence of cut-thoat religious groups. "We often don't have a name for jihadist groups, so we put them all under the same 'Al-Qaeda' umbrella to simplify matters," explained Mohamed Kadry Said, a military specialist with the Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies. Takfir Wal Hijra is one of the initial radical Islamist groups founded by Shukri Mustafa to have emerged in Egypt in the 1960s as an offshoot of the Moslem Brüderbund. According to the group's radical ideology, even Mohammedans that do not share its beliefs are infidels. Most of its followers live in the desert, maintains Sabry. It is believed to have grown smaller following a security crackdown on the heels of the murder of an Islamic scholar and former government minister in 1977. However, nothing needs reforming like other people's bad habits... locals claim the group's influence has grown in northern Sinai in the last year, since the revolution, and some allege it is allied to Al-Qaeda. "I feel they may be planning to do something with Al-Qaeda in the future. Our intelligence is most likely watching them very closely," asserted Said. Sabry and the Salafist jihadist, however, believe Salafist jihadism poses a bigger threat to national security. "Takfir Wal Hijra are not a threat; they just label atheists; they do not employ violence. We, on the other hand, do!" professed the Salafist jihadist. Salafist jihadism, as termed by renowned scholar Gilles Kepel, was first identified as a threatening phenomenon in the mid-1990s. Experts claim Salafist jihadists are in the thousands and constitute the largest jihadist force in Egypt, openly embracing violence as a means to reach political goals. "In order to get freedom, innocent people must die," said the young Salafist jihadist. The young jihadist claimed his movement's following was much larger than experts suggest. "Check out our Facebook page: we have 100,000 likes! In Sinai, we have about 10,000 followers and in Egypt around one million." Experts, nevertheless, deny these figures. "These jihadist groups are too small and too few in number to represent a real threat," reassured Saber Taalab, director of the Islamic Research Centre in Nasr City. Notably, some Salafist jihadists were tossed in the clink Book 'im, Mahmoud! on charges of participating in the Sinai attacks in 2004 and 2005 that killed some 125 people at the Red Sea beach resorts of Sharm Al-Sheikh, Dahab and Taba. No evidence of their involvement in the attacks, however, was ever produced. The group staged a sit-in last year to demand the release of its members. In response, the current interim government of Kamal El-Ganzouri released them. Many believe this amnesty would not have happened before the revolution. Salafist jihadists were also accused last year of launching an attack on a cop shoppe in Al-Arish in which five Egyptian security personnel were killed. When questioned about Salafist jihadism's ideology and goals, the primary issues listed include liberating Paleostine and establishing an Islamic emirate in Sinai, which many believe has been partially realised in some areas. "We're following Al-Qaeda's strategy for establishing an Islamic Caliphate by 2020 designed by the late Osama bin Laden ... who had a brief but splitting headache... , God rest his soul," said the young jihadist. "The plan predicted the Arab uprisings, out of which an Islamic state will be born." In the small town of Sheikh Zuweid, located only a few kilometres from Gazoo, such aspirations appear to be a reality, as slogans dubbing Sinai an "Islamic state" cover the local cop shoppe. The town was left terrorised last year after a local Sufi shrine was blown up by five jihad boy jihadists. Locals from Sheikh Zuweid believe that the increase in jihadist extremism is a direct result of state neglect and the collapse of traditional tribal structures. "The jihadists and groups who declare society apostate have infiltrated the tribes, taken up arms and threatened the structure of social custom," declared Ahmed El-Eiba from the Azazna tribe, an activist from Sinai. Sheikh Zuweid is known as a hub for exporting weapons to Gazoo, and Al-Hasna and Nakhl are markets for local weapons where tribes buy and compete. El-Eiba explained how the Libyan uprising had served to create a vibrant arms market. Weapons are purchased for personal use, or to accumulate an arsenal, such as in Syria or in larger operations that would alter regional security balances. Islam Qwedar, a young activist from Sinai blamed former security officers in the Mubarak regime for introducing tribes to the lucrative arms trade, which has led to dwindling security. "They were the first to introduce this lucrative trade," he stressed. The rising number of luxury cars in and around Al-Arish reflects the prosperity brought about by this nascent arms trade. "The security vacuum after the revolution led to the establishment of a black market for weapons from Libya, which was taken over by Bedouin. The situation is beyond control and can only be redressed through security measures adopted by the state," Qweder affirmed. While the normal arms trade through Sinai tunnels to gangs in Gazoo continues, both Qwedar and Mohamed Ibrahim Hamad, the son of a tribal leader in Bir Al-Abd, are preoccupied with the recent influx of weapons from Libya and their effects on national and regional security. "Weapons markets in Egypt are now controlled by cut-thoat groups who are beyond the control of the tribe," said Hamad. One of the root causes behind the rise of extremism in Sinai, many believe, relates to the state's refusal to recognise Bedouin rustics. A government report in 2010 said a quarter of all Sinai's population of some 600,000 did not carry national ID cards. The Bedouin account for the majority of this number; they are not allowed to own land or serve in the army and do not benefit from local tourism revenue. "We don't feel like Egyptian citizens," said Sheikh Ahmed Hussein of the Qararsha tribe, one of the biggest in southern Sinai. "The Mubarak regime created this problem; intensified the problem of jihadist groups by not giving the people of Sinai their rights," stated Essam Durbella of Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya. Sensing the urgency of the problem, the El-Ganzouri government has granted amnesty to some tossed in the clink Book 'im, Mahmoud! hard boyz and called for the revival of several local development projects, including a railway and canal to supply water to central Sinai.
Another fundamental issue plaguing Bedouin and jihadists in Sinai concerns Israel, as they see themselves as Egypt's first line of defence against Zionist expansion.
...back at the laboratory the fumes had dispersed, to reveal an ominous sight... in Tel Aviv, there are intense research and policy efforts aimed at addressing Sinai as a potential flashpoint. Israel is visibly concerned, and is making plans to revise security agreements based on military experts' claims concerning missiles being horded or traded in Sinai -- missiles that they say are more advanced than SAM, Fateh and Grad missiles, which can be used for large-scale operations. Israel's Begin-Sadat Centre has drafted a plan for the partial reoccupation of the border zone and intervention in Sinai, which has been ruled out -- for the time being -- by the right-wing Netanyahu government. A barrier is also being built along Israel's 266-kilometre (165 mile) border with Sinai in an attempt to ease tensions between Israel and Egypt. Israeli government front man Mark Regev claimed that the barrier is aimed at preventing illegal border crossings, and may also diminish the likelihood of large-scale security threats from Sinai. One of Israel's stated fears relates to the possibility of Paleostinian factions in Gazoo using Sinai as a launch pad for attacks on the self-proclaimed Jewish state.
Experts also believe that the puritanical Islamic ideology sweeping Sinai today poses a grave security threat, not only regionally, but also to Egypt and Paleostinian resistance faction Hamas, always the voice of sweet reason,, which itself has been confronting Al-Qaeda-type militancy in Gazoo. Views on how to tackle the problem vary.
"With the new president and government, security will be restored," affirmed military advisor Kadry Said. Egypt's new president and government will undoubtedly need to manage this high-priority issue tactfully," Sinai MP Abdullah Abu-Ghama warned. Rifaat Said of the leftist Tagammu Party speculated: "If [the Moslem Brüderbund's] Mursi becomes president, jihadist elements in society may be pacified, as they might accept Mursi as the best alternative who will apply Islamic Law." This may not, however, pacify everyone, as the young Salafist jihadist described current Islamist politicians -- including Mursi -- as "liberal." "The Salafists and the Moslem Brüderbund in parliament are liberals with beards who are going to be the next NDP. They will just use Islamic slogans, but will not enforce Islamic Law," he said. "The Moslem Brüderbund will work with the SCAF, just like Hamas works with Israeli intelligence!" Reassuringly, Ibrahim remains adamant -- after considerable personal and academic exposure to Salafist jihadists -- that the jihad boy jihadist problem in Egypt will be mollified with the coming of the country's next president.
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Africa North | |
Egypts intel chief flies to Washington for talks | |
2007-07-16 | |
CAIRO, Egypt - Egypts powerful chief of intelligence, who acts as a key diplomatic link with the United States and Israel, flew to Washington on Sunday for talks with administration officials on bilateral ties and Mideast issues, officials said. The visit by Omar Suleiman came amid friction between Egypt and the US because of increasing criticism by the Bush administration and Congress over President Hosni Mubaraks lack of democratic reforms. Suleiman did not speak to reporters on departure, but Egyptian officials said he would meet with top officials at the White House, the State Department and the CIA. Bolstering bilateral relations will be top on his agenda, said one official. Relations between the two allies took a dip after the US House of Representatives tabled legislation last month to withhold US$200 million in military aid until Cairo takes steps to curb police abuses, reform its judicial system and stop arms smuggling into the neighboring Gaza Strip. Under the draft, the aid would be withheld from the total of US$1.3 billion that Egypt is due to receive in military aid from the US in 2008. The legislation has yet to be approved by Congress or signed by President George W. Bush. Egypt also receives vast US civilian subsidies, and is the second largest recipient of American aid in the world after Israel. The Egyptian government blasted the proposed US legislation as an unacceptable interference in Egypts internal affairs.
Bush angered Mubaraks government and parts of the Egyptian media when he met last month with leading human rights activist Saad Eddin Ibrahim and criticized the jailing of opposition leader Ayman Nour. Ibrahim has been advocating cuts in US military aid as an instrument to press Egypt for democratic reforms. Nour is serving a five-year prison sentence for allegedly forging signatures on petitions to register his political party. He challenged Mubarak for the presidency in 2005, finishing a distant second in Egypts first contested presidential elections. | |
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran |
Nasrallah admits Iran supplies Hezbollah with arms |
2007-02-04 |
![]() The interviewer, Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim, said he met Nasrallah several days ago in Lebanon. Ibrahim, a vocal critic of the Egyptian regime, is the chair of Cairo's Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies. Nasrallah told Ibrahim that his organization kidnapped Israeli soldiers Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser in order to effect the release of Lebanese prisoners being held in Israel, but admitted that he had made mistakes. "Perhaps we erred, only God does not make mistakes, and we have apologized to the Lebanese people for this and have paid a heavy price in blood. We do not hesitate to sacrifice our children in the name of our righteous struggle," Nasrallah said. According to Ibrahim, Nasrallah denied any ambition to be a pan-Arab or pan-Islamic leader, or even to lead Lebanon. "My agenda is based on one principle, ridding the oppression and injustice from which the Shi'ite sect in Lebanon suffers and turning the Shi'ites into genuine partners in leading and creating the state, and removing the Israeli threat," Nasrallah said. |
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Africa North |
Mubarak, Jr. Moving In To Replace Daddy |
2006-03-10 |
The son of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and a group of close associates have moved into key political positions that put the younger man in line to succeed his aging father at a time when the government has taken steps to block opposition rivals from challenging the heir apparent. Last month, Gamal Mubarak rose in the hierarchy of the governing National Democratic Party, whose grass-roots organization underpins his father's rule. He was named one of three NDP deputy secretaries general, and 20 of his associates took other high-ranking posts in the party. Mubarak had served as head of the party's policies committee, which helped fashion economic reforms. Mubarak and his backers displaced some, but not all, of the veteran NDP activists known collectively as the old guard. Political observers saw in the move a gradual shift toward putting the NDP at the service of the president's son. "Who can deny this is anything but a vehicle for succession?" said Hala Mustafa, an analyst at the government-financed al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies. With the opposition on the defensive, there seems to be nothing blocking Mubarak's path to the presidency. "I don't see anyone who can stop him," said Joshua Stracher, a researcher at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland who studies the Arab Middle East. Egypt has been singled out by President Bush as ripe for democratic reform. On a recent visit, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed general criticism of the pace of change in the country, saying there had been "disappointments and setbacks" last year. She said she discussed these with Egyptian officials "as a friend, not as a judge." A few days later, President Mubarak told an Egyptian newspaper that Rice was "convinced by the way political reform" was proceeding in Egypt and that during her visit, she "didn't bring up difficult issues or ask to change anything." During a quarter-century in power, Mubarak, now 77, never named a vice president, unlike his two predecessors, Anwar Sadat and Gamal Abdel Nasser. In the event he dies in office or resigns, elections would take place within two months. Theoretically, under rules decreed by Mubarak last year, multiple candidates could run to succeed him. However, the chances are shrinking that anyone but Gamal Mubarak will be able to launch an effective campaign, observers say. Following weak showings in last fall's parliamentary elections, legal opposition parties, long hobbled by laws restricting assembly and speech, are in disarray. Only the Muslim Brotherhood emerged in a strong position, winning a fifth of the legislative seats despite violent efforts by police to block voters from reaching the polls. As a religious-based party, the Brotherhood was formally banned from participating but fielded candidates as independents. The government recently undercut the Brotherhood by postponing municipal elections scheduled for this year. The two-year delay denied the well-organized group a chance to make yet another electoral splash. Moreover, for the Brotherhood to eventually sponsor an independent presidential candidate, the nominee would need approval from municipal councils, all of which currently are dominated by officials who support President Mubarak, and elements of parliament. The election delay was announced only a few weeks after Gamal Mubarak publicly supported the ban on political activity by the Brotherhood. "The question of how we should deal at the political and legal levels with attempts to circumvent the national consensus that bans religious parties is on the table," he told the state-run Roz al-Yusef newspaper. The Brotherhood, he said, "has no legal existence, so from the legal point of view we must deal with it on that basis." The government also cracked down on democracy advocates. Last month, three magistrates who had complained of fraud during the parliamentary elections were questioned by police because they publicized alleged wrongdoing at the polls. Under 25-year-old emergency laws, it is a crime to besmirch Egypt's image. Meanwhile, the second-place finisher in last year's presidential election, Ayman Nour, is serving a five-year prison sentence on charges of forging documents. Human rights groups say the charges are trumped up, and a chief witness in the case told the court that police forced him to testify against Nour. Nour is also being investigated for other alleged crimes, including assaulting an NDP member and setting up a statue in a public square, which, under Egyptian law, can qualify as an offense against Islam. Last month, police questioned his wife, Gamila Ismael, for allegedly assaulting policemen. Nour won only about 7 percent of the presidential vote. Since then, his Tomorrow Party has fallen apart. Observers say that by daring to run for president, he offended Hosni Mubarak. "Mubarak has it in for Ayman Nour," said Hisham Kassem, editor of the independent Masri al-Yom newspaper. Gamal Mubarak's political and personal moves are now observed with intense curiosity by the press and the public. When word spread of his engagement to the daughter of a tourism and construction magnate, "the way the state press celebrated the news, it looks like they are crowning him, like a royal wedding," Saad Eddin Ibrahim, a human rights activist, told reporters. Mubarak, 42, is surrounded by a group of devoted supporters who have taken to what Egyptian analysts call "managed reform." Some call the group a shilla , Arabic for gang. The group includes businessmen, academics and Egyptians with political pedigrees in their families. Most are in their late thirties or early forties; many were educated and worked in the West. English is their second language. Among the most prominent are Ahmed Ezz, a steel and ceramics magnate who is newly in charge of overseeing membership in the NDP; Rachid Mohamed Rachid, a former chief executive of Unilever Egypt who is now minister of trade and foreign investment; Mahmoud Mohieedin, a former finance professor who heads the NDP economic policy committee and is also investments minister; Finance Minister Yousef Boutros-Ghali, nephew of Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the former U.N. secretary general; and Mohammed Kamal, a Cairo University political scientist who heads efforts to re-indoctrinate NDP members in a bid to modernize the party. Kamal, the unofficial spokesman, said the group defined itself as an outward-looking alternative to political Islam. "We don't want to be associated automatically with the West, but we think it is okay to look outside of Egypt for solutions," he said. "New blood means people with fresh ideas as well as the political experience." An unknown factor in Gamal Mubarak's apparent drive for power is the attitude of the military and security services. The military has supplied Egypt's last three presidents, including the elder Mubarak, and it is not clear whether it would accept a monarchical-style succession. "I don't think Gamal can make it," said Kassem, the newspaper editor. "His group calls itself reformist, but it is based on simple nepotism, with Gamal at the center. When the father goes, this group could quickly lose altitude. Everyone will be yelling, 'Mayday, Mayday.' Not a happy situation." |
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Africa North |
Ayman Nour imprisoned for 5 years |
2005-12-25 |
Note that the head of the Muslim Brotherhood just denied the Holocaust, so Mubarak wants to eliminate the sane opposition. As long as the Muslim Brotherhood's all he's got going against him, he doesn't have to worry about Western pressure to give up power. In a verdict that came as a slap to democracy advocates, one of Egypt's most prominent and unflinching opposition politicians was sentenced Saturday to five years in prison on charges of forgery. The imprisonment of Ayman Nour, an outspoken former legislator who recently ran an intense election campaign against longtime President Hosni Mubarak, is widely seen as a means to silence a potential threat to the ruling regime. The verdict drew a swift and forceful rebuke from Washington. Nour's conviction "calls into question Egypt's commitment to democracy, freedom and the rule of law," the White House said in a statement. Nour's lawyer, Amin Salim, told reporters, "This is a political trial to destroy Ayman Nour." The verdict will be appealed, his wife and lawyers said. Saturday's verdict was the latest blow to the foundering dream of creating a third way in Arab politics â a progressive, democratic political movement that is neither Islamist nor a repressive autocracy. For many Egyptians, the imprisonment of the ailing Nour was a disheartening epilogue to parliamentary elections this year that placed nearly 20% of the legislative seats under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood. "This is a very dangerous signal from the government â that the secular opposition doesn't have the same opportunity to exist or grow as the Islamist movements," said Hafez abu Saeda, president of the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights. "In spite of the government talking about reform, secular leaders are in a very bad situation." After a quarter-century in power, Mubarak opened the presidential election this year to competition from opposition candidates, including Nour. But critics have complained that the election law was tailored to ensure that nobody but Mubarak stood a chance of winning. Still, some analysts believe that Nour, 41, posed a more serious threat to Mubarak than the more popular Islamists â despite his comparative lack of followers. Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood, Nour tapped into the same constituency that forms the backbone of Mubarak's ruling National Democratic Party: secular, educated, Western-friendly, middle class. And unlike the Islamist opposition, a candidate like Nour could be taken seriously by the U.S. administration and Europe. Nour has said that the regime views him as a threat to the political aspirations of Gamal Mubarak, the president's son and a rising star within the ruling party. As long as Hosni Mubarak can keep secular opposition tamped down, Nour reasoned, he'll be able to convince the West â particularly the United States â that his regime is the only viable government, and that democracy must not be rushed. "They'll put an end to the dreams of all liberals," said Gamila Ismael, Nour's wife, standing in the courtroom a few minutes before the verdict was announced. "They will prove to the West it's either [Mubarak] or the Muslim Brotherhood." The wooden benches of the courtroom were packed with spectators before the hearing opened â all of them men, most of them burly and dressed in worn suits. They wouldn't say who they were or why they'd come. Nour's supporters were convinced that they were plainclothes police, and that their presence signaled that the backers' party leader would be hauled off to prison. Looking out at the courtroom, Ismael was frantic. "Until yesterday, he still said, 'Pray for me, don't lose patience, don't lose hope,' " she said. "I want to reach him now and tell him, 'Don't have hope, you're going to be put down heavily.' Have a look and see this reform they're talking about." When Nour, dressed in prison whites and looking weary, filed into the defendant's cell, Ismael began to shout to her husband. "It's not good, it's not good," she said, over and over. "Be strong." A diabetic who needs insulin, Nour had been hospitalized in recent days after going on a hunger strike to protest his treatment in jail. He looked puffy and pale as he stood in the courtroom cage to hear the punishment read. The White House, in its statement Saturday, said it is "disturbed by reports that Mr. Nour's health has seriously declined due to the hunger strike on which he has embarked in protest of the conditions of his trial and detention." The United States "calls upon the Egyptian government to act under the laws of Egypt in the spirit of its professed desire for increased political openness and dialogue within Egyptian society, and out of humanitarian concern, to release Mr. Nour from detention," the statement continued. The judge, who was flanked by security officers, has presided over other controversial cases, including the 2002 conviction of Saad Eddin Ibrahim, another secular critic of the government. That verdict was later tossed out by an appeals court. The hearing was over in less than five minutes. Ismael leapt to her feet. "God is great!" she cried. "Down with Mubarak!" "God is great!" Nour echoed from his cell as security officers hauled him away, out of sight. Nour's conviction gives him a criminal record â thereby putting him permanently out of the running for president. The Tomorrow Party has already appointed a replacement, former Egyptian diplomat Nagui Ghatrifi, to lead while Nour serves out his prison term. "We'll stick to our program, of course," Ghatrifi said. "We don't believe in any gradual reforms. These are all lies and maneuvers. We have to address the head of the despotic regime." In the street outside, where dozens of supporters had spent a bone-chilling night on wool blankets, a wail rose from the crowd at news of Nour's conviction. Demonstrators hurled rocks and sticks at riot police who blocked the entry to the courthouse. "Why all these soldiers?" the crowd chanted. "Are you scared of us? Are you in a war or what?" The crowd thickened to several hundred, and moved in an impromptu march through the streets of Cairo. "They're a heap of rubbish, Hosni Mubarak and his regime," said Mohammed Ahmed, a 23-year-old engineering student who traveled from his home in Alexandria to show his solidarity with Nour. "As you can see, we feel burned." Nour's case had been wending its way through the courts for nearly a year. He was abruptly stripped of parliamentary immunity in January, jailed and charged with forging signatures when he founded his party. Nour's arrest drew the ire of the U.S. administration; he was soon freed and allowed to run against Mubarak in Egypt's first multiple-candidate presidential election. He collected half a million votes, outpacing other opposition figures. But he has never managed to shake off his legal woes. And when it came time to run for parliament this fall, Nour lost his seat. His supporters accuse the government of rigging the vote. "Mubarak is not sincere," said Hisham Kassem, publisher of the opposition newspaper Al Masry al Youm and a member of the Tomorrow Party. "He's happy to have a charade democracy, but if anybody challenges his power, he's terrified." |
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Mubarak using terror tactics, says activist | |
2005-02-13 | |
![]() Ibrahim, who spent more than a year in an Egyptian jail before being exonerated on charges related to his election-monitoring activities, said none of Mubarak's Western listeners ever demand answers to pertinent questions in the face of the president's scare tactics. "What, Mr Mubarak, have you done to preserve the popularity of non-religious forces in the country?" Ibrahim wrote. "What has your regime done with more than $100 billion in foreign aid and remittances from Egyptians working abroad? Why has Egypt's ranking during your rule steadily declined on every development index?"
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Christian Fish, Muslims Shark Swimming Through Cairo Traffic in War of Stickers | ||||
2003-12-02 | ||||
Tip oâ the hat to the Volokh Conspiracy. First came the fish bumper stickers, imported from the United States and pasted on cars by members of Egyptâs Coptic minority as a symbol of their Christianity. Before long, some Muslims responded with their own bumper stickers: fish-hungry sharks. Of course they did! Itâs not exactly war at sea, but the competing symbols that have cropped up on Cairo streets are a tiny reminder of the tensions between Egyptâs Copts and majority Muslims. Some Christians are annoyed at the Muslim response. But be careful in how you say youâre annoyed. "All I wanted to say is that I am a Christian, kind of expressing my Coptic identity," said 25-year-old Miriam Greiss, who has a fish sticker on her car. "I think choosing a shark doesnât make sense, as if someone is saying, âI am a violent, bloody creature, look at me.â" Which means it made perfect sense. Emad, a Muslim, laughed when asked about the competing symbols but was unapologetic about the two shark stickers on his car. "The Christians had the fish so we responded with the shark. If they want to portray themselves as weak fishes, OK. We are the strongest," said Emad, who would give only his first name. Because heâs such a strong, confident lad, you know. Sociologist and rights activist Saad Eddin Ibrahim, a Muslim who has studied discrimination against Copts, called the sticker symbols "superstitions" but said that in Egyptâs climate of religious fundamentalism, people with bad intentions could use them to ignite tensions between Muslims and Christians. "There are people who want to make use of the decay we live in," he said. But enough about the al-Ghamdis! Relations are generally calm between Copts, an estimated 10 percent of Egyptâs more than 70 million people, and the Muslims who make up virtually all the rest. But tensions do occasionally erupt into violence, and Copts complain of job discrimination and being shut out of a share of political power. Other than that things are generally calm, yep yep. The complaints, though, are spoken softly. Copts - who trace their history to St. Markâs bringing Christianity to Egypt soon after the death of Christ - didnât survive Roman persecution and Arab conquest by being overly assertive.
And the Romans never figured it out. Shrewd, those early Christians.
Except the Darwinists donât help things along by exploding bombs and shooting people up. Other than that itâs exactly the same! | ||||
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