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Ali Hassan al Majeed Ali Hassan al Majeed Iraqi Baath Party Axis of Evil 20030108  

Iraq
Iraq urges execution of Saddam-era officials
2009-03-18
BAGHDAD - The Iraqi government renewed its call on Tuesday for the executions of officials in the ousted regime of Saddam Hussein to go ahead despite the objections of Iraq’s president and vice president. “The cabinet appeals to the presidency council to approve the decisions issued by the Iraqi High Tribunal against criminals that were sentenced to death,” government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh said in a statement.
We couldn't agree more!
Saddam’s cousin Ali Hassan al-Majeed, former Defence Minister Sultan Hashem and former army commander Hussein Rashid Muhammed have all been sentenced to death for their role in the Anfal military campaign against ethnic Kurds in 1988.

Majeed has two other death sentences, one for crushing a 1991 Shi’ite revolt and another for killing and displacing Shi’ite Muslims in 1999.
Keep passing the death sentences and make sure that at least two or three are carried out.
Majeed’s initial death sentence in 2007 was widely cheered, but Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, and Vice President Tareq al-Hashemi, a Sunni Arab, opposed Hashem and Muhammed’s execution, arguing the military men were following orders.
Good Germans they were ...
That put Talabani and Hashemi at odds with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, a Shi’ite, whose co-religionists suffered terribly under Saddam’s minority Sunni Arab rule.

Although Talabani and Hashemi have no objections to the execution of Majeed, the legal wrangle has held up the execution of all three sentenced for the Anfal campaign. They were due to have gone to the gallows within days of an Iraqi appeals court upholding their death sentences in September 2007.
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Iraq
Tariq Aziz gets 15 years for crimes against humanity
2009-03-12
Tariq Aziz, formerly the urbane, Westernised frontman for Saddam Hussein and the only Christian in the Iraqi dictator's inner circle, was sentenced to 15 years in prison yesterday for crimes against humanity.

Aziz, who was the face of Saddam's regime for years, looked shocked when the sentence was given out at his trial in Baghdad and asked to sit down. He has been suffering ill health for some time.

He was found guilty on four counts of crimes against humanity, including complicity in murder and torture in connection with the execution of 42 Iraqi merchants who had been accused by Saddam of being involved in increasing food prices at a time when the country was struggling under international sanctions. They were rounded up in July 1992 and executed soon after a quick trial.

Prosecutors in the trial said that the former Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister was complicit in the deaths because he was a member of the ruling Revolutionary Command Council that rubber-stamped Saddam's decision to have the merchants arrested.

Aziz was one of those named on a US list of "most-wanted" regime members that was published in the form of a deck of cards. He was number 43. But the man often seen in public with a cigar in his mouth, and who tried to defend Saddam on the world stage, gave himself up soon after the fall of Baghdad in April 2003.

In court he wore a blue jacket, black shirt and his trademark thick, black-rimmed glasses. After he was sentenced he kept his eyes closed as other defendants stood up to hear their sentences.

Watban Ibrahim al-Hassan and Sabawi Ibrahim, director of public security - both half-brothers of Saddam - were sentenced to death on the same charges. Ali Hassan al-Majeed, better known as Chemical Ali - who has already been given three death sentences from previous cases - was also given a 15-year prison sentence for the death of the merchants.Three other defendants received sentences of life in prison, 15 years and six years. Issam Rashid Hweish, formerly of the Central Bank in Baghdad, was acquitted owing to lack of evidence.

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Iraq
Tariq Aziz gets 15 years in stir
2009-03-11
BAGHDAD, Iraq — An Iraqi court sentenced Iraq's former foreign minister, Tariq Aziz, and Ali Hassan al-Majeed, a senior colleague of Saddam Hussein, to 15 years in prison today for their role in what the court deemed a crime against humanity, the killing of 42 merchants in Baghdad in 1992 for profiteering.

The sentence was the first against Aziz, a fluent English speaker who was the public face of Hussein's government before turning himself into U.S. authorities a month after his government fell in April 2003. It comes less than two weeks after the 73-year-old Aziz was acquitted by the same court, Iraq's highest, in another case.

Two of Hussein's half-brothers, Watban Ibrahim al-Hassan and Sabawi Ibrahim al-Hassan, were sentenced to death for their role in the executions.

"Long live Iraq! Long live Iraq! Down with the occupiers!" Sabawi al-Hassan shouted as the verdict was read in the courtroom.

The men were among eight on trial for the killings of the Baghdad traders, accused at the time of racketeering while the country was under devastating U.N. sanctions imposed after Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990. They were tried in a summary trial, then executed without being given the chance of appeal or defense.

Abed Hammoud, Hussein's secretary, was sentenced to life in prison. Mizban Khidr Hadi, a top Baath Party official, was imprisoned for 15 years. A six-year term was handed down to Ahmad Hussein Khudier, the head of the presidential office. Essam Rasheed Huwaish, then governor of the Central Bank, was acquitted.

Majeed already has three death sentences against him, the first in the case that gave him the moniker by which he is popularly known, "Chemical Ali." In June 2007, a court convicted him of genocide for ordering the deaths of tens of thousands of Kurds in the 1988 Anfal campaign, when Iraqi forces fired poison gas on villages.

Aziz was a well-known figure in Iraq, serving as foreign minister, then deputy prime minister. But he was never thought to wield real power within Hussein's inner circle. His family has complained that he is in poor health, suffering from heart and respiratory problems, along with high blood pressure and diabetes.
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Iraq
Iraq's Tareq Aziz, Chemical Ali face new trial
2009-01-27
Sixteen Saddam Hussein-era Iraqi officials, including former deputy prime minister Tareq Aziz and Saddam's cousin Ali Hassan al-Majeed -- nicknamed Chemical Ali -- faced a new trial on Monday for repressing Shi'ite Kurds.

The trial is the seventh being held against senior Saddam officials for crimes committed before the Iraqi dictator was ousted in a 2003 U.S.-led invasion.

Saddam was hanged after his conviction in the first trial, for ordering the killing of Shi'ite villagers after an assassination attempt.

The latest trial will examine the repression of a community known as Feyli Kurds, who come from the mountainous border area between Iraq and Iran, and, unlike most Iraqi Kurds, are Shi'ite Muslims rather than Sunnis.

Thousands of Feyli Kurds were driven from the country under Saddam, who declared them to be Iranian citizens and forced them across the border. Others were repressed, imprisoned and tortured in the 1970s and 1980s.

The trial is being presided over by Raouf Rashid Abdul-Rahman, the Kurdish judge who sentenced Saddam to die.

Majeed -- nicknamed Chemical Ali for using poison gas to kill 5,000 Kurds in a 1988 attack -- has already been sentenced to death twice.

The first death sentence was for his role in the mass killings of Kurds in the 1980s and the second for a bloody crackdown against Shi'ites in the 1990s. His execution has been delayed by political wrangling.

Aziz, a fluent English speaker who served as the public face of Saddam's regime in the west, is also standing trial in a separate case over the deaths of dozens of merchants executed for price fixing when Iraq was under U.N. sanctions.

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Iraq
New Chemical Ali trial for Iraq gas massacre begins
2008-12-21
Hundreds of Iraqi minority Kurds demanded on Sunday the execution of a Saddam-era official known as 'Chemical Ali' for the killing of 5,000 Kurds in a 1988 gas attack.

Ali Hassan al-Majeed, a Sunni Arab who was Saddam's cousin and a member of his inner circle, has already been sentenced to death twice, once in 2007 for his role in killing tens of thousands of Kurds in Saddam's military 'Anfal' campaign. Majeed and three other high-ranking officials accused of mounting attacks on civilians appeared at Iraq's High Tribunal at the opening of a trial for the March 1988 attack.

Prosecutors described how relatives of 483 plaintiffs were gassed to death in the Kurdish border town of Halabja.

Majeed's second death sentence came this month for his part in crushing a Shi'ite revolt after the 1991 Gulf War. Disputes within the Shi'ite-led government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, however, have so far stalled Majeed's execution.

In Halabja, more than 200 km (120 miles) northeast of Baghdad, hundreds of Kurds waved banners and shouted for Majeed and his fellow defendants to be executed. "We ask the court to execute Chemical Ali and to heal the wounds he caused by gassing our beloved," said Shereen Hassan, a Halabja housewife who took part in the protest. "I will never rest until I see him hanged," said Peshtwan Qader.

At the time of the massacre, Iraq had been at war with Iran for almost eight years, and Saddam's government alleged Halabja residents were aiding Kurdish militants and siding with Iran.

Fouad Saleh, the town's mayor, urged the Iraqi government to pay victims' families compensation.

Majeed's Halabja trial will be headed by Judge Mohammed al-Uraibi, a Shi'ite jurist who also headed Majeed's first two trials, a court spokesman said.

Also charged in the case are Sultan Hashem, a former defence minister, and two intelligence officers. All the defendants are already facing life sentences or execution.

Majeed has been held in a U.S. detention centre but is due like thousands of other detainees to be handed over to the Iraqi government under a security pact taking effect on Jan. 1. U.S. military officials in Baghdad on Sunday could not immediately confirm whether Majeed was still in their custody.
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Iraq
'Chemical Ali' gets second death sentence
2008-12-03
An Iraqi court sentenced Saddam Hussein's cousin "Chemical Ali" to death on Tuesday for crushing a Shiite revolt after the 1991 Gulf War.

It was the second death sentence to be handed down against Ali Hassan al-Majeed, who earned his nickname for his role in using poison gas against Kurdish villages. He was first condemned to be hanged last year for the killing of tens of thousands of Kurds in the 1980s, but that sentence was held up by political wrangling.

Judge Mohammad al-Uraibi also sentenced a former top Baath party official, Abdul Ghani Abdul Ghafour, to hang for his involvement in the crackdown on Shiites in the south, and 10 others to sentences ranging from 15 years to life in prison. The judge said the court had decided to execute Majeed "by hanging for committing wilful killings and crimes against humanity".

The court, the Iraqi High Tribunal, was set up to try former members of Saddam's government and was the same one that sentenced the former president to death. Saddam was executed in December 2006 after being convicted of crimes against humanity for the killing of 148 Shiite men and boys after a 1982 assassination attempt.

Majeed's reputation for ruthless use of force to crush opponents won him widespread notoriety during Saddam's rule and led many Iraqis to fear him even more than the leader himself. Saddam's execution sparked anger among minority Sunni Arabs, who were outraged by a video showing the ousted leader being taunted by official observers of the governing coalition in the moments before he was hanged.

His half-brother Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti was executed two weeks later in a botched hanging that ripped off his head. Two other members of the former government have also been executed. Also currently on trial is former Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tareq Aziz, the public face of Saddam Hussein's regime, who is facing charges over the execution of dozens of merchants accused of breaking state price controls in 1992.
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Iraq
Iraq: Saddam-era mass grave found
2008-11-21
(AKI) - A mass grave from the era of former dictator Saddam Hussein containing the remains of 150 people has been discovered in an area south of the capital Baghdad, the Iraqi government said on Wednesday. The victims are believed to have been executed in a crackdown against the Kurdish minority by Saddam.

Iraqi government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh said the victims were from the area of Kalar, located in the northeastern province of Suleimaniyah. Suleimaniyah province, known as Zamwa prior to its founding, is the cultural base of the Sorani-speaking Kurds and an important economic centre for the Kurdish semi-autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan.

A memorial ceremony was also held on Wednesday in the holy Shia city of Najaf as the victims' remains were transferred to the northern Kurdish city of Erbil.

Saddam's former regime is believed to have used chemical weapons in his Anfal campaign against the Kurds, causing the deaths of an estimated 100,000 Kurds.

An Iraqi court last year sentenced to death Saddam's cousin Ali Hassan al-Majeed on genocide charges for his role in the Anfal campaign. Al-Majeed, once one of the most feared figures in Iraq, was nicknamed Chemical Ali because of the poison gas that was used during the Anfal campaign.
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Iraq
Supreme Criminal Court commences new case
2008-07-22
(VOI) -- The Iraqi Supreme Criminal Court on Monday commenced the first session to try the Friday Prayers case, which is related to events that occurred in Sadr City and Kufa in 1999. 14 former Iraqi officials under Saddam Hussein are being tried in this case. The semi-official Iraqiya TV station broadcast the session that was headed by Chief Justice Mohammed Uraiby. This case is the fifth that has been tried by this court since it was formed in 2003, after the cases of al-Dujail, al-Anfal, Shaabaniya Uprising, and merchants' execution.

The session embraced confirming attorneys' authorizations, and addressing charges to defendants. Among this case's defendants are Ali Hassan al-Majeed, Tareq Aziz, Abid Hmod, Sabir al-Dori, Sbaawi Ibrahim al-Hassan, Lateef Nsayef Jassim, Mohammed Zmam, Jassim Mohammed Hachim, Ugla Abid Segar, Ahmed Hameed Mahmod, and Aziz Salih al-Noman. When Justice Uraiby asked defendant al-Majeed about his name, he replied "I am an old customer," in reference to having been tried by the court in previous cases.

This case goes back to 1999 on the eve of assassinating Sayyid Mohammed Mohammed Sadeq al-Sadr (Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr's father) and his two sons in Kufa city in February 19, 1999, and the security tensions that Sadr City had witnessed when the two mosques of al-Muhsen and al-Hikma were attacked, and tens of prayer-goers were killed or arrested by Saddam Hussein's security forces.
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Iraq
Saddam commanders on trial for 91 revolt
2007-08-22
Former commanders of Saddam Hussein’s military went on trial in Baghdad on Tuesday for their role in crushing a Shi’ite rebellion in southern Iraq at the end of the 1991 Gulf War in which tens of thousands were killed. Standing alongside the military officers were Saddam’s former defence minister at the time and his personal secretary. The most high profile of the 15 defendants is Saddam’s feared cousin, Ali Hassan al-Majeed, known as “Chemical Ali”.

The rebellion, and a simultaneous one in Kurdish areas in northern Iraq, erupted spontaneously in early March 1991 after a US-led coalition routed Saddam’s army in Kuwait. Rebels seized control of many towns in the south. The rebels expected US forces to come to their aid, especially since then US President George Bush senior had called on the Iraqi people and the military to oust Saddam. But, in a decision that has since been much debated, Bush and his coalition partners held their troops in check and Saddam was given a free hand to launch a swift counterattack with tanks and helicopters.

Tens of thousands are estimated to have been killed in the crackdown, either by the pursuing security forces or in prison. Prosecutors in the case have put the death toll at 100,000. Bush has since argued that, while he hoped a popular revolt would topple Saddam, he did not want to see the break-up of the Iraqi state and feared the collapse of the multinational coalition, including Arab states, that he had assembled.

The 15 accused face charges of crimes against humanity “for engaging in widespread or systematic attacks against a civilian population”. Three of the accused, including Majeed, were sentenced to death in the earlier Anfal trial, which dealt with a military campaign against Kurds in northern Iraq in 1988 in which tens of thousands of people were also killed. The five convicted in the Anfal case are appealing their sentences. If Majeed and the two others sentenced to death lose their appeal they could be executed before the latest trial is completed.

The court will hear about 90 witnesses and hear audio tapes and after-action reports. US officials involved in the court said there was little remaining evidence of the orders given because Saddam had ordered the destruction of records.
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Iraq
Leave Iraq and Brace for a Bigger Bloodbath
2007-07-09
By Natan Sharansky

Iraqis call Ali Hassan al-Majeed "Chemical Ali," and few wept when the notorious former general received five death sentences last month for ordering the use of nerve agents against his government's Kurdish citizens in the late 1980s. His trial came as a reckoning and a reminder -- summoning up the horrors of Saddam Hussein's rule even as it underscored the way today's heated Iraq debates in Washington have left the key issue of human rights on the sidelines. People of goodwill can certainly disagree over how to handle Iraq, but human rights should be part of any responsible calculus. Unfortunately, some leaders continue to play down the gross violations in Iraq under Hussein's republic of fear and ignore the potential for a human rights catastrophe should the United States withdraw.

As the hideous violence in Iraq continues, it has become increasingly common to hear people argue that the world was better off with Hussein in power and (even more remarkably) that Iraqis were better off under his fist. In his final interview as U.N. secretary general, Kofi Annan acknowledged that Iraq "had a dictator who was brutal" but said that Iraqis under the Baathist dictatorship "had their streets, they could go out, their kids could go to school."

This line of argument began soon after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. By early 2004, some prominent political and intellectual leaders were arguing that women's rights, gay rights, health care and much else had suffered in post-Hussein Iraq.

Following in the footsteps of George Bernard Shaw, Walter Duranty and other Western liberals who served as willing dupes for Joseph Stalin, some members of the human rights community are whitewashing totalitarianism. A textbook example came last year from John Pace, who recently left his post as U.N. human rights chief in Iraq. "Under Saddam," he said, according to the Associated Press, "if you agreed to forgo your basic freedom of expression and thought, you were physically more or less OK."
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Iraq
Chemical Ali to dangle?
2007-04-03
Iraq prosecutors sought the death penalty for Saddam Hussein's cousin, widely known as “Chemical Ali”, when they presented closing arguments on Monday in a trial for so called genocide against ethnic Kurds in the late 1980s. Ali Hassan al-Majeed and five other former senior Baath party officials are on trial for their role in the 1988 Anfal (Spoils of War) campaign.

Charges against Saddam himself lapsed when he was executed at the end of December. "We demanded the death penalty for all of the defendants ... except for Taher al-Ani, whom we requested the court to free for lack of evidence," chief prosecutor Munkith al-Faroon said.

Ani was head of the Northern Affairs Committee and governor of Mosul province. All six defendants were charged with so called war crimes and crimes against humanity while Majeed also faced the more serious charge of would be genocide.

During Anfal, villages were declared "prohibited areas" and razed and bombed as part of a scorched-earth campaign. Thousands of villagers were deported, many executed. Majeed, known as “Chemical Ali” for his so called alleged use of chemical weapons, admitted during the trial he ordered troops to execute all Kurds who ignored orders to leave their villages, but said he had nothing to apologise for. The defendants have said Anfal had legitimate military targets -- Kurdish fighters who had sided with Iran during the last stage of the 1980-88 Iraq-Iran war.
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Britain
Bush and Blair have forfeited the moral authority to hang Saddam
2006-11-06
Max Hastings
The Guardian


There can be no doubt about the moral justice of yesterday's Baghdad tribunal judgment on Saddam Hussein. He was directly responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent people, chiefly Kurds and Shias, and arguably for many more killed in the Iran-Iraq war.
Instead of a 'but' he uses a 'yet' ...
Yet it is quite another matter whether it is right or politically prudent to execute him, after the shambles of a trial that he has undergone.
Whether it's right isn't an issue: only a cloistered person secure in his rotting liberal land could question the right of a people hammered over the last thirty years to hang the man most responsible for the deaths of so many of their families, relatives and countrymen.
Washington was always determined that Saddam should die - but at the hands of his own people rather than those of Americans.
Which is as it should be -- the Iraqis suffered the most so they get the first opportunity to try the man. This is aproblem for Max.
George Bush's handling of this issue restores one's respect for Pontius Pilate. The president has achieved the almost impossible feat of generating some sympathy for Saddam, at least in Muslim societies.
Total nonsense: Pontius Pilate was about shifting blame. GWB handed responsibility, not blame, to the Iraqis and asked them to get it right. They did.
The Iraqi judicial system is incapable of conducting a plausible hearing. Instead it staged a farce: judges changed, defence lawyers murdered, interminable rambling orations from prosecutors and defendants. Bush should have got some old Soviets to advise the locals about how to run a proper show trial.
At which point Max (temporarily ignoring the origins of his own political philosophy for convenience) would have complained about a 'show trial', and would have, of course, blamed Bush.

Any surprise that the Iraqis, denied the most elemental forms of justice over the past forty years, wouldn't run a perfect trial with clockwork precision? Any surprise that a people unused to calm deliberation wouldn't get that completely right the first time? That the Iraqi judicial system persevered to a verdict and a sentence is the point.
The biggest American mistake was to capture Saddam in the first place. In the House of Commons in 1944, the foreign secretary was asked what instructions had been given to British troops on what to do if they encountered Hitler. Amid laughter, Anthony Eden said: "I am quite satisfied to leave the decision to the British soldier concerned."
There's one point where we can agree: a couple of grenades in the septic tank spider hole would have spared us a lot of nonsense. However, it would not have allowed the Iraqis the opportunity to establish a clear point of justice for their people -- that revenge isn't warranted, that justice can be done, and that the national conscience can be satisfied.
Among the allied leaders, only Stalin wanted Hitler alive, for the pleasure of hanging him. Everybody else was appalled by the prospective perils and complexities of trying and executing a head of state in partnership with the Russians. Hitler's suicide came as a relief.
We managed all the other Nazis without much problem at the Nuremberg trials. Hitler would have been a much bigger trial but there's no question the four-country tribunals would have tried and hanged him.
Almost everyone involved in the Nuremberg trials of his subordinates felt uncomfortably conscious that they were administering victors' justice. The proceedings proved valuable, however, in placing on record for all time some of the monstrous crimes of the Nazis.
Which Max would deny to the Iraqi people. It's useful to put Saddam's crimes into the public record, particularly at a time when useless idiots (e.g., Hans Blix) think that Iraq was 'better off' under Saddam.
Also, in 1946 the Nuremberg judges possessed a critical advantage. Even if the wartime allies did not represent absolute good - how could any such partnership that included the Soviets? - few people doubted their overwhelming moral superiority over the Nazis.

By contrast, the moral authority of the Iraq coalition led by the US has been blown to rags since 2003. President Bush's achievement has been to convert an almost impregnable American position in the world after 9/11 into a grievously damaged one today.
This is idiocy. Our 'almost impregnable position' on 9/12 was almost immediately denigrated by LeMonde. It was spat on by progressives around the world within weeks and months when we decided to fight back instead of questioning why they hated us. The left/progressive world wanted us to remain on our backs, and the very act of fighting back caused us to 'forfeit' our moral superiority.
It is believed by a few delusional people at the Lancet that more Iraqis have died since the US invasion than were killed by Saddam Hussein.
Max has drunk the Kool-Aid.
Most have fallen victim to fellow countrymen rather than to American fire. Yet this seems irrelevant, since Washington chose to assume responsibility for the country. The dead have perished on Bush's watch.
Max thus forgives the jihadis, the Ba'athists and the Sadrist thugs. They aren't responsible for the all the IEDs they planted, the ambushes, the sniper attacks, the murder of Iraqi police standing in line, the bombing of schools and the murder of children. It's Bush's fault, couldn't be anyone else of course. This is a despicable line of reasoning.
Yet we should at least consider the pragmatic argument for executing Saddam. Alive, he remains a focus for the Ba'athist fanatics who spearhead the Sunni insurgency. They cling to a fantasy that one day their old leader will regain power and restore Sunni primacy.
Max considers it to dismiss it ...
However angry many of us are with George Bush and Tony Blair, we must never succumb to an unworthy desire to see coalition policy fail merely because this would humiliate the US president and British prime minister.
Tell that to your fellow travellers Max. Think the MoveOn people are with you on that? Think Old Labour buys into that?
Only one question should matter now: what is the best course, not for our consciences or political satisfaction but for the Iraqi people?
Isn't that their decision? One country. Three countries. A tribal country. That's on them. We might fail to rescue them completely and lead them to a modest, semi-20th Century society. It's their decision, not ours.
Western actions have precipitated the descent of their country into chaos.
No -- Saddam did that. Look at Iraq in that thirty years and you'll see chaos, the controlled chaos that totalitarian rule brings. Nothing works. No one talks. Everyone is afraid. That's chaos and it's evil.
Whatever we do henceforward must be designed to promote the restoration of order, however remote such an outcome may seem.

Many Kurds and Shias want Saddam to die. This is not only because they seek vengeance for decades of atrocities, but also because they think his removal will improve their future prospects. If Iraqis held a national referendum on Saddam's fate, most would unhesitatingly commit him to the gallows.
Max will tell you shortly why that sensible thought is wrong, of course.
Bush's people in Washington say: "Our policy is to empower the Iraqi people to determine their own future. Allowing an Iraqi court to condemn Saddam, Iraqi executioners to kill him, is a significant step towards that objective."

Yet to many of us it is not that simple.
The 'us' in this are the Euros, and specifically the proper-thinking, progressive, quasi-socialist Euros, for whom nothing is simple except their own self-loathing.
Real power in Iraq today rests in the hands of the Americans or those of local factions on the ground. The so-called national government and its institutions are almost impotent, because they face such physical and political difficulties in exercising their functions.
It's a work in progress. Nothing gets built quickly.
The verdict on Saddam is just.
Nice of you to admit that.
Yet everything stinks about the process by which it has been reached. Sentence on the condemned tyrant will probably be carried out before the trial of his cousin Ali Hassan al-Majeed, known as Chemical Ali. It is widely expected that the execution will be rushed so that Saddam cannot give evidence at Majeed's trial about collusion between Washington and the former tyranny, which could grievously embarrass the US.
Would anyone believe whatever Saddam 'testified' to? C'mon Max, you can't be that stoopid. Saddam, Ali, the whole rotten gang will lie and deny to the end of their days.
Once again it matters less whether this is true than that so many people around the world believe it to be so. It is dismaying to be obliged to acknowledge that Americans, British, Ba'athists, militiamen, national government representatives and insurgent suicide bombers in Iraq are all today perceived as coexisting on the same moral plane.
It's dismaying to you because you're the one who believes it to be so. We simple folk at Rantburg believe that the Americans and Brits are indeed on a different, far higher moral plane. We didn't go into Iraq for oil or profit, we went there to remove a threat and an evil. We stayed when it would have been easier -- far easier -- to pull out in those first few months after toppling Saddam because we believed we had a moral responsiblity to help re-build the country. That's our moral plane. What's yours?
Rationally, we know that Bush and Blair want virtuous things for the country: democracy and personal freedom. Yet so incompetent has been the fulfilment of their policies on the ground that the leaders of Britain and the US now possess no more credible mandate than that of Iraq's local mass murderers.
Again, who's making that judgment -- you? Perhaps if you and your fellow travellers quit blabbering and started helping with the heavy lifting you'd help with the mandate.
To justify hanging Saddam, Bush and Blair needed moral ascendancy, which they have forfeited.
He keeps saying this hoping that repetition will make it come true.
His execution will appear to be merely another dirty deed in the endless succession that have taken place in Iraq since 2003, backed by our bayonets.

Now the president will preside over a hanging that will be as much his handiwork as if he pulled the lever, with Blair performing the usual associated functions - attaching the hood, tightening the knot and otherwise making himself useful. In Texas this sort of thing is no big deal. But in Britain we have got out of the habit. Blair may need coaching.
And then he can teach the rest of you.
It seems remarkable that yesterday the two major political parties of a country that abolished capital punishment 40 years ago expressed satisfaction at the prospect of a hanging up the road, conducted by surrogates. How can Britain as a nation refuse to hang its own murderers, while being so eager to support the hanging of other people's?
And here we cut to the real heart of the matter for Max: squeamishness. He's convinced of his own moral superiority because he and his country have abolished the death penalty, and the very act of hanging Saddam causes him to imagine blood on his hands. It took a thousand words and an adult life filled with delusion to get here. Max is unhappy because the real world has forced itself into his comfortable life. Far better to think great thoughts and imagine the fight to be over a better NHS, over global warming, than to be confronted with having to respond to evil. Hanging Saddam forces Max to focus on that which he does not wish to see.
Only some Iraqi Sunnis will mourn Saddam, a monster of the 20th century as deserving of death as were the Nazis hanged at Nuremberg. But his execution will be widely perceived as devoid of legitimacy. British influence will as usual be negligible, yet we shall share responsibility.

This seems yet another ugly land-mark in an ugly saga in which Blair has made us all complicit. Here is another triumph for the man whom the Labour party conference last month cheered to the rafters.
Max Hastings is a fool, a deluded fool who doesn't deserve the freedom and comforts his society, and his ancestors, have given him.
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