India-Pakistan |
India Launches Strikes on Militants in Pakistan |
2016-09-30 |
[Asharq al-Aswat] India said on Thursday it had conducted "surgical strikes" on suspected murderous Moslems preparing to infiltrate from Pakistain-ruled Kashmire, marking an escalation in tensions between the uneasy and nuclear-armed neighbors. Pakistain said two of its soldiers had been killed in in an "unprovoked" attack and in repulsing an Indian "raid", but denied India had made any targeted strikes across the de facto frontier that runs through the disputed Himalayan territory of Kashmire. Lieutenant General Ranbir Singh, the director-general of military operations, announced news of the strikes in New Delhi -- which sent shares on the Indian stock market sliding nearly two percent. The announcement followed through on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s warning that those India held responsible "would not go unpunished" for a Sept. 18 attack on an Indian army base at Uri, near the Line of Control, that killed 18 soldiers. "Some terrorist teams had positioned themselves at launchpads along the Line of Control," Singh told news hounds, describing the intelligence information as "very specific and credible". "The Indian army conducted surgical strikes last night at these launchpads. Significant casualties have been caused to these Lions of Islam and those who are trying to support them. "The operations aimed at neutralizing the Lions of Islam have since ceased." Singh said the decision to launch the strikes had been taken after the military determined the launchpads had been set up with "an aim to carry out infiltration and terrorist strikes in Jammu and Kashmire and various other metros in our country." A senior government source said commandos flown in by helicopter carried out the strikes some way across the unofficial border known as the Line of Control (LoC). The strikes raise the possibility of a military escalation between nuclear-armed India and Pakistain that would wreck a 2003 Kashmire ceasefire. India’s disclosure of such strikes was unprecedented, said Ajai Sahni of the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi, and sent a message not only to his own people but to the international community. "India expects global support to launch more focused action against Pakistain," Sahni told Rooters. "There was tremendous pressure on the Indian prime minister to prove that he is ready to take serious action." |
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India-Pakistan |
Money down the toilet: India security experts on Harpers $1-million armoured car |
2013-01-30 |
The governments decision to fly an armoured vehicle to India at a cost of more than $1-million for Prime Minister Stephen Harpers state visit last November mystified Indian diplomats, and prominent security analysts in the country say it reflects a shocking lack of understanding of modern India on the part of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, whom the government says recommended the move. To think that India cannot protect a visiting dignitary is testament to very poor intelligence in Western countries and a failure of comprehension its just plain stupid, said Ajai Sahni, executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management in Delhi and a leading expert on terrorism in South Asia. From a pure security perspective, its money down the toilet. The Indian government had offered Canada the use of an armoured Mercedes Benz for Mr. Harpers visit but after a threat assessment the RCMP decided it was not sufficient. Indias president uses an armoured Mercedes Mercedes Benz S600, while prime minister Manmohan Singh whose security team receives roughly a dozen serious threats to his personal security each day uses an armoured 2009 BMW 7 Series for his travel in the country, security sources say. Canada instead brought an armoured Cadillac limousine and SUV. |
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India-Pakistan |
Blacklisted group says Pakistan needs peace, prosperity |
2011-07-13 |
[Dawn] Over tea in Lahore with the man who some see -- wrongly he says -- as a front man for the Lashkar-e-Taiba orc group, one subject dominates the conversation. It's not jihad, not Kashmire, but the economy. "The first condition to bring peace in Pakistain is prosperity," said Muhammad Yahya Mujahid, front man for the Jamaat-ud-Dawa ...the front organization of Lashkar-e-Taiba... (JuD), the humanitarian wing of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), which is banned in Pakistain. "Already people are being killed by price hikes. In such circumstances, we can't afford kabooms." It is an official line from an organization blacklisted by the United Nations ...an idea whose time has gone... over its links -- denied by the JuD -- to LeT, the orc group blamed by the United States and India for the November 2008 attacks on Mumbai that killed 166 people. But the choice of subject is nonetheless indicative of the extent to which worries about the economy are gripping Pakistain, where even the military -- the former patron of the JuD/LeT -- cites these before its old obsessions about India and Kashmire. Pakistain army chief General Ashfaq Kayani ... four star general, current Chief of Army Staff of the Mighty Pak Army. Kayani is the former Director General of ISI... has begun to talk about the weakening economy as a security threat, as the country battles a Pak Taliban insurgency, rising corruption and chronic power shortages. It needs stability for economic growth. Mujahid, who denies links with the LeT but was described in a UN blacklist as the head of the LeT's media department with an influential role in its central leadership, said Pakistain must find a way to end the frequent gun and kabooms. "We believe security agencies of Pakistain should control the situation through any means, through negotiations, or any means. It is their duty to find a way for peace and, whatever they think is proper to keep peace in Pakistain, they should do it." With growth forecast this year at just 2.4 per cent and inflation running at 14 per cent and likely to rise further with increasing oil prices, ordinary Paks are far more likely to worry about the economy than the Islamist snuffies who so preoccupy the United States and the rest of the outside world. Mujahid, who insisted the JuD severed its links with the LeT in 2001 -- an assertion security analysts dispute -- picked up that theme, echoing a complaint frequently made by Paks when he bemoaned the growing energy crisis: "You get electricity and petrol cheaper in western societies. People are looking for basics -- transport, electricity." Preaching Through Welfare The JuD, which follows an Islamic tradition known as Ahle Hadith -- a purist or Salafist ...Salafists espouse an austere form of Sunni Islam that seeks a return to practices that were common in the 7th century. Rather than doing that themselves and letting other people alone they insist everybody do as they say and they try to kill everybody who doesn't... faith whose adherents say they emulate the ways of the companions of the Prophet Mohammad -- has always stressed the need to help the poor. It runs schools, hospitals, ambulances and dispensaries and argues like many other Islamist groups that a Mohammedan society purged of modern evils, from corruption to music, would be both fairer and stronger. "We believe in preaching through welfare," said Mujahid. "Pakistain should be a welfare state where people could get every basic necessity of life easily." But JuD has been inextricably linked to armed jihad since its origins in the campaign against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan -- the purification of society it seeks is meant to make Mohammedans stronger when fighting their enemies. The Lashkar-e-Taiba, once nurtured by the military to fight India in Kashmire, has also been the army's most loyal proxy, even now eschewing attacks within Pakistain itself. It has also been kept on a tight leash since Mumbai, for fear of a fresh attack that would invite retribution on Pakistain. So does Mujahid's stress on the economy suggest at least a shift in emphasis, or perhaps even an echo of the military's own thinking that its old habits of using orc proxies to bleed India are currently taking too much of a toll on Pakistain? Few can agree on the answer. Pak analyst Ayesha Siddiqa, author of a book on the Mighty Pak Army, said that, far from reining in its old orc proxies, the military was building them up, including by setting up camps in the south of ![]() "I think they (the army) have over the years developed a strategic dependence on these proxies," she said. Others argue that it does indeed want to close them down eventually, and ascribe a decision by the authorities to allow JuD/LeT founder Hafez Saeed and others to operate openly as a means of keeping control of the group. "It now seems that Pakistain is indeed anxious to neutralise and if possible destroy krazed killer organizations and networks, but can't make up its mind how to do it," said Brian Cloughley, a defence expert who has written two books on the Pakistain army. Home For Armed Cadres? As with everything in Pakistain, the same set of evidence can be given different explanations depending on perspective. Mujahid, who like other members of the Ahle Hadith sect wears his trousers above the ankle in the tradition of the companions of the Prophet, was insistent that the JuD and its leader, Hafez Saeed, no longer had links to the LeT. "It is highly deplorable that people in the media still call me a front man of the Lashkar-e-Taiba," he said. But the fact that the JuD is so active despite its U.N. blacklisting -- its members were visible in relief efforts during last year's devastating floods -- is cited by some as proof Pakistain will never act against either it or the LeT. "The JuD is best regarded as the parent group of the LeT, which is its armed instrument," said Ajai Sahni, executive director of India's Institute of Conflict Management. "The distinction is real, because the JuD also engages in a much wider network of activities, including charitable work ... while the LeT's activities are restricted to terrorism and terrorist mobilisation." But analysts argue the JuD can be used a front for LeT to collect funds or recruit volunteers for a jihad that it can ill afford to abandon without losing support to other Islamist groups. "I see it (the LeT) continuing to be aggressive in India and Afghanistan and spreading its social networks in Pakistain," said South Asia expert C. Christine Fair at Georgetown University. Yet the JuD's humanitarian activities also serve a purpose, since they would provide a useful repository into which to channel LeT cadres, were they ever to be disarmed. "Interlocutors within and close to the Pak security establishment have suggested ... that if the Kashmire issue is settled 'appropriately', then over time LeT could be steered towards non-violent activism," Stephen Tankel, author of a book on the group, wrote in a New America Foundation paper in April. "In other words, the above-ground JuD and its array of social welfare activities provides a possible means for demobilising its orcs," he wrote. Mujahid said only that the fate of Kashmire should be decided by its people. "We should not talk of Pakistain or India. India should give the right of self-determination to the Kashmiris. A peaceful solution in Kashmire is good for the whole region." The United States is so far unconvinced of Pakistain's willingness to eventually disarm the LeT, which it described in a report last month as "a formidable terrorist threat." The army itself has said it cannot take on all orc groups at once, and will give priority to those who are killing its own people. Most analysts, therefore expect the LeT to be the last to be tackled. But the jihad in Kashmire, which once provided the reason for Pak military backing for the LeT, has lost support both among the Kashmiris and in public opinion in Pakistain. The army's focus is now on domestic stability and the JuD, by talking about the economy, appears to be following its lead. |
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India-Pakistan | |
India worried about Al-Qaida hold on Pak | |
2008-01-31 | |
As Pakistan continues to wallow in instability, India's assessment about the internal situation in Pakistan is looking more and more grim. Despite all the protestations from Pakistan's leadership, India has concluded that the al-Qaida is now in virtual control of Pakistan's tribal areas, and Islamabad and the Pakistan army are making little headway.
The recent threats to Jammu & Kashmir chief minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, BJP president Rajnath Singh and even the Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, Satyabrata Pal, have been identified with specific intelligence. The government estimates that more such threats to high-profile personalities in India may be on the rise. It was also the reason for the unusually high security measures before Republic day, which has been a traditional hunting day for terrorists. Waziristan, Swat and adjoining areas, says the government's assessment, are virtually in the hands of the al-Qaida which in Indian reckoning, includes the Pakistan Taliban and other allied groups. "The reports are very negative," said sources. Terrorism analyst B Raman said the Pakistani army is fighting a four-front war against jehadis "against the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in South Waziristan, against the Tehrik and the anti-Shia Lashkar-e-Jhangvi in the sensitive Darra Adam Khel-Kohat area of North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Shia-dominated Kurram Agency of the Federally-Administered Tribal Areas, against the Tehrik-e-Nifaz-Shariat-e-Mohammadi headed by Maulana Fazlullah and the Jaish-e-Mohammad in the Swat Valley of NWFP." The Pakistan army and al-Qaida (the loose term encompassing all these groups) are involved in a "hot war", said Ajai Sahni of the Institute for Conflict Management, "where the divisions between the two sides are not very clear. The very fact that Mullah Omar has supposedly dismissed Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud for working against the Pakistan army shows that there is some degree of collaboration/cooperation/control of these outfits by the ISI." The ISI, said security sources, continues to maintain its policy of "death by a thousand cuts" against India, and the availability of hardcore militants, terrorists and killers has now increased hugely inside Pakistan. The old policy of deflecting the attention on the internal situation by "heating up" Kashmir could well be activated. India is gearing up for not only a vicious "spring offensive" in the Pakistan-Afghanistan area, but also inside India, with more terror infiltration from Pakistan. There has also been some concern about reports that the ISI has resurrected Dawood Ibrahim to launch high-profile attacks against Indian personalities. | |
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India-Pakistan |
LeT vowed to liberate Hyderabad |
2007-09-10 |
The terror threat on Hyderabad looms large as, like Kashmir, Pakistan-based terrorist groups consider the erstwhile princely state an unfinished agenda of partition. Addressing a conference in Lahore days before the twin blasts in the city, chief of political affairs of Jamat ud-Dawa (JD), Lashkar-e-Taiba's public face, Hafiz Abdul Rehman Maki called for the liberation of Hyderabad, Manvadar and Junagadh. "We launch a jehad for the liberation of Hyderabad, Junagadh, Manvadar, and other areas that were supposed to be part of Pakistan at the time of partition. Our relationship with India is that of revenge," he said. The conference was also addressed, over phone, by chairman of the break-away faction of the Hurriyat Conference Syed Ali Shah Geelani. Earlier, on August 14, JD had issued Pakistani maps showing Hyderabad, Manvadar, J&K, Junagadh, and Bangladesh as parts of Pakistan. This was done, according to JD's website, to tell Pakistanis that it is their duty to liberate these areas, and until this was done Pakistan is incomplete. Slamming Pakistani rulers, JD chief Hafiz Mohammad Sayed said: "They have allied with evil; they have no right to celebrate Independence Day. The day reminds us of supreme sacrifices and martyrdom. Pakistan is duty-bound to liberate Kashmir, Junagadh, Manvadar and Hyderabad." He said JD's stand on Kashmir hadn't changed, and that jehad was the only solution. Back channel diplomacy, bus services, trade and commerce are not going to work, he said. The statements haven't come as a surprise. "This is part of LeT's established agenda, and they have articulated it repeatedly. In 2000, JD head Hafiz Mohammad Saeed declared Kashmir was a gateway to capture India and that campaigns in Hyderabad (and Junagadh) were the highest priorities," executive director, Institute for Conflict Management Ajai Sahni said. Makki had, at the same meet, proclaimed the formation of a new unit in Hyderabad to liberate Hyderabad from India. From this stage onwards, there has been an augmenting effort by LeT and other groups, including Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) and the Harkat-ul-Jihad Isalmi Bangladesh (HuJI-B), to increase activities in the South. "For this, they also set up a core unit in Hyderabad in 2004," and added, "attacks on Hyderabad are the unfolding of this long-term strategy." |
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India-Pakistan |
Hamas befriends LeT, Hizb |
2006-12-27 |
Low on funds and struggling against rival group Fatah in Palestine, the Hamas has sought alliance with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, two Pakistan-based groups involved in terrorist activities in India, according to an Italian newspaper report. Hamas is a militant group that won the Palestinian Authoritys general elections early this year and is infamous for its terrorist activities aimed at Israel. According to Corriere della Sera, a widely read Italian paper, Hamas has befriended LeT and Hizb, both close to Al-Qaeda. The report said the ties were forged during the visit of a Palestinian minister, a Hamas member, to Pakistan this summer. The report has caused a flutter among intelligence and security agencies here because if true, it will mean a major threat to all countries fighting the war against terrorism. The report said the Palestinian minister, apart from his official engagements, had two separate meetings one with Hizb-ul-Mujahideens Syed Salahuddin and another LeTs Hafez Said. The report said the two, possibly with the help of the Pakistani intelligence, offered to the Hamas representative a briefcase containing $2 million. The paper quoted Islamabad sources saying this. The money was to be used to sustain the Hamas movement in Palestine (like running schools, hospitals) and to deal with economic emergency the government was facing. Another alarming aspect of the report was that the Palestinian minister was also exploring the possibility of strengthening military relation between the Hamas army and the Pakistan-based militants. The paper alleged that an agreement was reached, based on three points. One that Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and LeT will have the possibility of going to West Asia (Syria and Lebanon) to learn new terror techniques from Arab Mujahideens; second, Palestinian elements will seek refuge in the centres managed by the Pakistani outfits in the Waziristan area and third, there could be exchange of information relating to the use of explosives and the methods to smuggle them, Ajai Sahni, executive director at the Delhi-based Institute for Conflict Management, said there had been sporadic dialogue among Islamic terror outfits in the past. The LeT has been talking to these people. |
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India-Pakistan |
Balakot camp run by Masood Azhar |
2006-09-15 |
![]() Abu Jindal to operate Kalashnikov gunsThree years ago, Masood was isolated for the likely involvement of Jaish members in a plot to assassinate Pakistans General Pervez Musharraf. But today he is back in business. Well, Azhar has undergone a certain decline in prestige after the December 2003 attacks on Musharraf but he represents a fairly lethal organisation and once again has been rehabilitated and is enjoying complete freedom of movement in Pakistan, says Executive Director, Institute of Conflict Management, Ajai Sahni. Masood, arrested in 1994 in Kashmir, was released during the hijack of Indian Airlines flight IC-814 which was taken to Kandahar. Within months, his terror outfit the Jaish-e-Mohammad was back to attacking India. In October 2001, three Jaish terrorists attack the J&K Assembly complex killing 42 unarmed civilians. In December, 2001, the Indian Parliament was attacked by five Jaish terrorists. The attack brought India and Pakistan to the brink of war. In November, 2005, a Jaish suicide bomber exploded a car bomb hours before the swearing in of Ghulam Nabi Azad as J&K Chief Minister. JeM is a very significant organisation as far as terrorism in India is concerned, says Sahni. The Jaish is now also being linked with al Qaeda. London police arrested suspects that they claim were plotting to blow up 10 US-bound aircraft. Also involved was Jaish terrorist Rashid Rauf - a British citizen living in Pakistan, who is also Masood Azhar's brother in-law. Despite the fact that Masood has been linked to the Al Qaeda and with an assassination attempt on Musharraf, he and the Jaish-e-Mohammed find safe haven in Pakistan. It is felt that as long as he delivers on the agenda to destabilise India, he will be tolerated. |
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India-Pakistan |
The pakistan army, terror groups - friends or foes? |
2006-09-11 |
Soon after the September 11 attacks, the United States forced the world's countries to make a choice: Cooperate with us against the Islamist global terrorism, or else be considered our enemy. Pakistan made its decision quickly and joined the U.S. in its "war on terror." Five years into the war, however, it is not clear where Pakistan really stands. Some facts are irrefutable and might be considered as solid proofs of Pakistan's loyalty to America's war on terror: a) About a quarter of all Al-Qa'ida members detained in Guantanamo Bay were arrested in Pakistan; b) Hundreds of Pakistani soldiers were killed during military operations against various Islamist groups; and c) Several assassination attempts have been carried out by Islamist terror movements against President Pervez Musharraf in the past few years. The United States considers Pakistan as an ally. In fact, it is currently conducting a joined naval exercise with Pakistan. So why, one might ask, should we even raise doubts as to the level of Pakistan's commitment to fighting terrorism? To answer this question and to better clarify the relations between the Pakistan army and the various terror groups in the country, The Media Line (TML) spoke to several terror experts. The answers, as always, were varied, while the truth, as always, lies somewhere in the middle. A terrorist and a freedom fighter usually use the same means to promote their cause. In fact, a terrorist is a freedom fighter, depending on which side of the fence you are on. We will return to this semantic difference after one short background explanation. In 1947 British India was dissolved, giving birth to modern-day India and Pakistan. From that period onward, Pakistan's first major regional dispute was born, as Kashmir, a disputed area between the two states, was given by the British to India. During the 1980s, Pakistan got involved in a second major regional dispute, this time, to its north. For almost 10 years, the Soviets were at war with Afghanistan. Wanting to prevent India from allying with Afghanistan against them, the Pakistanis aspired to the creation of an Islamist state in Afghanistan. The Pakistani state, which was ruled by its army for most of its existence, became highly involved in both these regional conflicts. The way it did so was by means of supporting and training local Islamist movements, to be used as proxies by the Pakistan army. Islamist groups such as Lashkar-e-Teiba (LeT) and Jeish-e-Muhammad (JeM) thus became freedom fighters in their quest to free Kashmir. At the beginning of the 1980s, Musharraf then a colonel in the Pakistan army became closely involved in the army's strategic aim of preparing Afghani Islamist fighters for their anti-Soviet war. These freedom fighters were known as Taliban, which later took control over Afghanistan, and their allies: a small group known as Al-Qa'ida. Geopolitical reasons may provide some explanations for the Pakistani support of Islamist movements. But that is not all. Speaking at a conference of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace last year, Pakistani scholar, Dr Hussein Haqqani, told listeners that, for national unity, his country turned to Islam instead of the consensus of the people. "The search for identity and the need for an ideological base for the country required a movement towards ideology. In the process, ideological Islamists became allies of the military over a long period of time." According to Haqqani, the infrastructure that was created to support Jihad in Afghanistan and Kashmir is still intact to this day. After the 9/11 attacks, the Taliban and Al-Qa'ida were transformed in the eyes of Pakistan from freedom fighters into terrorists at least that was the official line. After all, the equation was clear: If you were for Al-Qa'ida, you were against the U.S., and clearly Pakistan had made its choice. But did it? Editor of the South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR), Dr. Ajai Sahni, believes it did not. "It is clear that Pakistan's principal interests are in continuing to exploit the local and regional terrorist groups, while it tries to control international terrorist groups," Sahni told The Media Line. "However, this distinction between the international and domestic [terror groups] is completely irrational. You can see that some of the arrests that have taken place in the UK, in the U.S. or in Madrid were of terrorist groups which are supposed to be local; for instance, Lashkar-e-Taiba." From his New Delhi-based office, Sahni explains that, "the moment you have a universal ideology such as extremist Islam, you cannot contain the consequences in a domestic or a regional context." This is where the Pakistani predicament begins. While it is fighting some terror groups such as the Taliban and Al-Qa'ida, the Pakistan army is much less determined when it comes to local groups such as LeT or JeM. The latter two groups are fighting India for Kashmir, fulfilling Pakistan's interests in the region. But for quite some time now, LeT and JeM have developed aspirations exceeding Kashmir. According to Sahni, one explanation for these aspirations comes from their core essence of being Islamist movements, which bear a universal ideology. But that is not all. Located in Pakistan, LeT is not only ideologically, but also geographically close to the International Islamist Front, led by Al-Qa'ida. Prof. Talat Wizarat, a scholar from Karachi University in Pakistan, presented The Media Line with a totally different view. In Wizarats eyes , Al-Qa'ida is not only an insignificant force in Pakistan, but it also has no connections with local Islamist groups. "As far as Al-Qaida is concerned, I seriously wonder if they still exist, because even their middle-rank leadership has been eliminated. If they are there, they have no means of communicating with each other. Although they might have plans to regroup, right now I do not think they are a fighting group, and if they have any linkages with other fighting groups, they are insignificant." Wizarat is employed in the International Relations Department of Karachi University. Experts outside Pakistan claim that the country's universities are controlled by the military regime. That may explain some of Wizarat's views and terminology. "As far as Lashkar-e-Taiba is concerned, it is a true freedom-fighting movement, supporting the freedom struggle of Kashmir. It does not have anything to do with Al-Qaida or other groups fighting against the U.S. in Afghanistan or in Iraq," maintains Wizarat. She continues that the Pakistan Army is doing a remarkable job in its "so-called war on terror," which is very unpopular in the domestic front. Wizarat even asserts that, in her personal view, the army leadership is "unfortunately not drawing any distinction between the Kashmiri freedom fighters and other groups which the Americans accuse of being terrorists." While Wizarat places the Pakistan army and the Islamist groups on two opposite sides, others portray them as allies. Indias Sahni is clear on the subject: "The Inter Services Intelligence (ISI the Pakistan Army's intelligence corps) constitutes the most significant terrorist organization in south Asia. All the other names that you will hear whether it is the Taliban on the one side, or Lashkar-e-Taiba, Harakat-ul-Mujahidin and Jeish-e-Muhammad on the other side all these groups are instrumentalities of the Pakistani state and are all directly controlled by the ISI." In 2003, Jeish-e-Muhammad, which, according to Sahni was a group supported by Pakistan army, tried to assassinate Musharraf. "Pakistan is trying to manipulate an instrument which is very imperfect," explains Sahni. "They do not have absolute control over all groups even over those groups they themselves have created. And even within the groups they [seem to] control completely there are some renegade elements." This was done not long after Pakistan announced its alliance with the U.S, which is considered an enemy of Islam by some radical movements such as Jeish-e-Muhammad. Nevertheless, asserts Sahni, "Pakistan does not show any indication of disengaging from the terrorist groups, which, in its assessment, are serving the Pakistani states purposes and objectives." Sahni's views in this regard should be clear to the reader by now. But other experts The Media Line spoke to do not share these views. According to ICPVTRs Gunaratna, "people in the West must get this right they must support General Musharraf even though he is a dictator and even though there is a lack of democracy in Pakistan. They must work with Pakistan because it is now facing a severe problem General Musharraf is doing a good job with the limited resources he has." Haqqani, who is the author of Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, also believes the United States must remain engaged in Pakistan. But in his opinion, it is keeping all its eggs in one basket. The U.S. "is putting all its confidence in one individual, and General Musharraf is expected to turn the Titanic in a very narrow stream. It is not easy and it is not going to happen. The Islamists and the Pakistani military have deep-rooted relations and the political generals in Pakistan also look at the Islamists as allies, both for domestic politics as well as for regional politics." "Al-Qa'ida is working very closely with Lashkar-e-Teiba, head of the International Center for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR), Dr. Rohan Gunaratna, told The Media Line. Gunaratna, who is one of the world's leading experts on Al-Qa'ida, asserts that the organization's real strength is in its "ability to work with different Jihad groups in Kashmir, in the Philippines, in Chechnya, in Algeria, in Sudan, in Iraq and in other countries around the world. Al-Qa'ida multiplies its force by linking up with associated groups in Asia, Africa and in the Middle East, and certainly Al-Qa'ida has infiltrated some of the Pakistani groups," Gunaratna says. By Yaniv Berman on Monday, September 11, 2006 |
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Afghanistan-Pak-India | ||
The Shadow Of Al-Qaeda Behind The New Delhi Bombs | ||
2005-10-31 | ||
Mumbai, 31 Oct. (AKI) - As India mourns the 61 victims of the three simultaneous bomb attacks in New Delhi on Saturday, intelligence sources quoted by the Indian press, believe the carnage was the work of Kashmiri separatist groups sponsored by the al-Qaeda network. The attacks were claimed by a previously unknown group calling itself Islami Inquilabi Mahaz. Intelligence sources are linking the terror attacks to the presence in India of Mohammed Majoodi, an Islamist expert in car-bombs who until recently was based in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Senior intelligence experts believe Majoodi is linked to the Kashmiri militant groups Jaish-e-Mohammed e Lashkar-e-Toiba. The Indian newspapers and television insist that investigators are focusing tightly on this latter group and say the unknown Islami Inquilabi Mahaz is just one of the names under which it operates. "It's a Pakistani group and it is acting on behalf of Lashkar," said Ajai Sahni, executive director of the Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi.
The Indian dailies stress that the shadow of suspicion extending to Pakistani institutions, poses a delicate problem for prime minister Manmohan Singh, who has embarked on dialogue with Islamabad to bring peace to Kashmir, a dialogue which seems to have been helped by the climate of solidariety generated by the 8 October earthquake. India has decided to open the highly militarised Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border, in five points in order to allow families and relief items to cross from one side to the other. | ||
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Afghanistan-Pak-India |
Earthquake: Terror meets terror in PoK |
2005-10-11 |
NEW DELHI: Did Saturday's earthquake inflict collateral damage on Pakistan's infamous terrorist training camps? What impact will it have on PoK-based jehad in India? Intelligence and security analysts in IB, RAW and other agencies pored over this very possibility on Sunday with the latest intelligence inputs in the aftermath of the natural disaster. This was after reports that the worst-hit were districts and villages with known terror camps in PoK. It was intensified after news reports quoted a Lashkar-e-Taiba spokesman as saying, "Many of our members have been killed. They are in scores, while several others are still trapped under the rubble." But the cold assessment that emerged was clear: the earthquake will have no discernible impact on Pak-sponsored jehad in India. Home secretary V K Duggal refused to commit himself to any overt statement on Monday. There are some reports of camps in areas like Kotli, Bagh, Nikial and Muzaffarabad in PoK being hit by the quake but since most of the jehadi training camps are makeshift âmobile' structures that can be translocated very quickly to evade scrutiny, it would not amount to much tangible loss. "The camps have temporary structures to house jehadis. The training facilities are also rudimentary in the sense that the firing range for practice could be in a jungle nearby," said an official. Sure, some of the terrorist cadres would have been killed or injured, but Indian officials say this is akin to losing them in unsuccessful infiltration bids or even in encounters with the Indian Army. "They are basically cannon fodder," say officials, "The real leaders of the movement continue to flourish in Islamabad and Lahore, not in forward camps in PoK." Moreover, as reported earlier by TOI, the dossier prepared by Indian intelligence and security agencies clearly shows the over 50 training camps operating across the border are not limited just to PoK but are spread all over Pakistan. For instance, while 29 such camps are located in PoK, 15 or more are present in the North West Frontier Province. Another seven are in Punjab, three in the Northern Areas of Gilgit-Baltistan, and one in Sindh. One major location of the Jehadi factory hit by the quake is, of course, the densely-forested Manshera region in NWFP. A hotbed for jehadis, it houses several madrassas, which also double up as training camps. "But that again will not impact the terror tap," said an official. In 1998, the US cruise missile strikes in Khost, Afghanistan, wiped out a number of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen cadres training there. But this had no effect on the organisation or its activities. According to terrorism analyst Ajai Sahni, the December 26 tsunami washed away more than 2,000 known LTTE cadres from Sri Lanka. But even that has not diminished the Tamil Tigers. Indian officials are now also concerned about the diversion of the flood of international aid to Pakistan in the aftermath of the earthquake. After 9/11, a series of international finance laws by the UN and US had effectively shut off the funding tap from Islamic charities, which were being used to fund jehad by outfits like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed. The earthquake opens Pakistan to funds from all manner of organisations in the world, and Indian officials fear that some of these may be diverted to oil the jehadi wheels again. Besides, they say, despite a ceasefire call from Syed Salahuddin of the United Jihad Council, militants mounted a big infiltration bid on Sunday night trying to take advantage of the post-quake chaos. However, it is equally true that for the immediate future Lashkar or Jaish cadres might occupy themselves recouping their strengths or rebuilding their camps. |
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Afghanistan/South Asia |
Islamic extremism mobilizes in Bangladesh |
2005-06-27 |
Bangladesh is increasingly recognized as the locus of a significant and expanding threat emanating from radicalized Islamist extremist mobilization and its systematic transformation into political and terrorist violence. Notwithstanding vociferous official denials, it has, for some time now, been an established staging post for terrorism within the region, and is seen as a potential center of Islamist consolidation for the âglobal jihadâ as well. It is already a major supply route and transit point for illicit weapons smuggling, and a safe haven for some of the militant groups active in Indiaâs northeast as well. Worse, these processes are rooted in an entrenched political dynamic that has progressively diminished the space for secular or moderate politics in the country. Given the polarization and extreme hostility between the two dominant political parties in Bangladesh, and the near complete split down the middle in voting patterns, the Islamist parties have become central to the processes of government formation in the country, and have gradually expanded their political presence as well. These trends have been compounded further by the combination of religious mobilization, intimidation and extremist violence that these radical parties and their armed allies engage in, as well as their very wide and expanding presence in the social sector, particularly education. Given these broad trends, the scope for any reversal of the Islamist extremist consolidation in Bangladesh has shrunk progressively. It is necessary to understand the dynamics of these processes, as well as to make an objective assessment of their real and potential threat, both in terms of internal stability and external security. Firstly, what are the real dimensions and magnitude of the threat of Islamist extremist mobilization in Bangladesh? The coastal area stretching from the port city of Chittagong south through Cox's Bazaar to the Myanmar border, notorious for piracy, smuggling and arms-running, is the principal area of activity of the Harkat-ul-Jehadi-e-Islami Bangladesh (Movement of Islamic Holy War, HuJI-BD), which is a signatory to Osama bin Laden's International Islamic Front and a designated terrorist outfit in many countries, including the United States. [1] Further, the Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB or Awakened Muslim Masses), a vigilante Islamist group, is reported to have created strong bases mostly in northwest Bangladesh, in the districts of Rajshahi, Satkhira, Naogaon, Bagerhat, Jessore, Chittagong, Joypurhat, Natore, Rangpur, Bogra, Chittagong, and Khulna. [2] Elsewhere, the Jama'atul Mujahideen (Party of the Mujahideen) is training small groups of youths for jihad in the northern districts of Natore and Bogra, one in the southwestern district of Chuadanga and another in the mid-eastern border district of Chandpur. It also has a network in the Shaghata, Sundarganj and Sadullapur areas of Gaibandha district as also in Rajshahi district and parts of Khulna city. [3] While both of them espouse the ideal of a âTalibanisedâ Bangladesh, JMJB leaders have openly proclaimed links to the Taliban and al-Qaeda. There have also been reports that JMJB's training of recruits includes recorded speeches of bin Laden and video footage of warfare training at al-Qaeda's (now defunct) Farooque camp in Afghanistan. Professor Abu Sayeed, in his two books, Aghoshito Juddher Blueprint (Blueprint of an Undeclared War) and Brutal Crime Documents, claims that around 50,000 militants belonging to more than 40 groups are now controlling a vast area of the country, with the assistance of ruling coalition partner Jamaat-e-Islami and a section of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). [4] Sayeed also says over 50 camps are now in operation across Bangladesh, where Islamists are getting military training and that militant groups have their recruits in all sections of society, including mosques, seminaries, educational institutions, the judiciary, mass media and even the armed forces. The prevailing socio-political dynamics lend themselves to the consolidation of Islamist extremism in the country. For instance, the JMJB is believed to have exploited the countrysideâs abhorrence towards left-wing extremism to spread radical Wahhabism among the rural populace and in the process also emerged as a significant force to be reckoned with. The groupâs rapid spread has been primarily achieved through an assumption of the role of âprotectorâ in areas of widespread mal-governance, support of local administration and perceived linkages and claims of contact with the al-Qaeda-Taliban combine. Taking recourse to a policy of appeasement, the Khaleda Zia regime has remained largely indifferent to the growing power and clout of such radical Islamist groups. Political violence, including assassination of political opponents, has increased exponentially under the current dispensation and furthermore, most investigations have been inconclusive. Approximately 1,096 persons, including leaders and activists of different political parties, were killed in 997 incidents of organized violence of political parties between October 2001 and February 2005, according to the Bangladesh Institute of Human rights. [5] The opposition Awami League (AL) in a 74-page report titled Growing Fanaticism and Extremism in Bangladesh: Shades of the Taliban (released on February 13, 2005) has documented the rise of jihadi groups as well as the politics of vendetta. [6] In what is probably the first detailed documentation of Islamist extremism by an internal source in Bangladesh, the AL report mentions at least 34 bomb blasts between 1999 and February 2005, in which 164 persons died and 1,735 people sustained injuries. A deeper scrutiny of these blasts reveal that, while there were only 13 bomb blasts between 1999 and 2003, 2004 alone saw 13 such attacks, and there have been eight blasts in the first two months of the current year. Eight of the 34 bomb attacks documented by the report have targeted the AL; nine were detonated during cultural functions; and five occurred at religious shrines, including the one in the shrine of Hazrat Shahjalal in Sylhet on May 21, 2004, in which the British High Commissioner was wounded. The report notes, "The selective and deliberate targeting of AL and the like-minded secular and progressive forces, cultural organizations, religious minority groups and entertainment places such as movie halls or local fairs is indicative of a consistent pattern that clearly unmasks the identity of the perpetrators of such crimes and their ideology." A sharp polarization of the countryâs polity has led to a situation in which the government seeks to maintain an electoral balance, while the Islamic extremists seek to broaden their political and social base. This is crucial and is expected to continue, considering the past trajectory. In the October 2001 Parliamentary elections, the ruling BNP secured 40.97% of the votes, with its coalition right-wing parties, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh securing 4.28%, and the Islami Oikyo Jote (Islamic Unity Council, an alliance of seven radical Islamist groups) wining 0.68%. At the other end, the opposition AL received 40.13% of the vote. This extremely close competition between the two main parties has given the Islamists disproportionate leverage, considering their tiny electoral base. [7] It is this battle for electoral balance among the BNP and AL that is being exploited by the Islamic extremists. While it is true that Bangladeshi Islamic extremists, with some exceptions, have not been linked to major international terrorist incidents, it would be perilous to consider the Islamist ensemble as purely internal developments. These movements are, to a certain extent, local variants of an international Islamist enterprise and a significant number of these groups and individuals maintain links with the âglobal jihadâ. To that end, it would be hazardous to focus only on the transient geographical location of Islamist terror. The identification of the locus of terrorism, according to Delhi-based analyst Ajai Sahni, with the transient geographical location where it finds the largest number of victims, or from where it mounts the most significant of its recent outrages, is a grave error of judgment. What real â immediate, imminent or potential â threat does the Islamist extremist mobilization in Bangladesh constitute to security and stability within Bangladesh; the immediate neighborhood; and to Western interests? Challenges in Bangladesh, on current projections, emerge from two quarters â a bitter power struggle between the BNP and AL and secondly, terrorism orchestrated by Islamic extremists, more often than not, in tandem with their over-ground supporters, some of whom are in the ruling coalition. A weakening of the democratic process in Bangladesh leading to a failed state scenario in the long run are bound to have repercussions in the immediate neighborhood and to the growing Western interests in the region. To this end, international donors at the recent aid meeting expressed serious concern over the deteriorating law and order situation. Many in Bangladesh believe that the government proscription of two Islamist groups on February 23, 2005, was a fallout of global pressure and not otherwise. Without impartial and effective government action against Islamist extremism, global skepticism regarding Bangladesh is bound to escalate. When asked about the future of democracy in Bangladesh, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, Christina Rocca, said on May 12, 2005, "I wish a good future but I have no crystal ball."[8] |
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India-Pakistan | ||||||||||
Lashkar-e-Taiba going global | ||||||||||
2003-12-01 | ||||||||||
There is a new generation of terrorism out there, and unfortunately, its footprints lead to Pakistan.
Many of the small terrorist outfits in India come under the loose control of the Lashkar, which is said to have around 20,000 hardcore Jihadis in Pakistan, making it the largest Jihadi outfit in the world. THE LASHKAR-E-TOIBA WAS INSTRUMENTAL in Pakistanâs state-sponsored cross-border terrorism in India and worked under the direct supervision of the ISI. But now it is spreading its wings and fast moving beyond the control of Pakistani authorities. LeTâs links with Dawood Ibrahim have not escaped the USâ attention. Indian security sources believe that some 300 Islamist militants have slipped into Iraq through Saudi Arabia and that groups like the LeT have acted as facilitators. They point to a recent speech by LeT leader Hafiz Saeed in which he made the US the prime target of jehadi activity in Iraq. Stern agrees. "The LeT seems to be moving out. One theory, of course, is that the LeT is going to play a role similar to what Al-Qaida once played-inspiring and funding terrorist operations around the world... Still, it is shocking to see LeT showing up in the Gulf states as well as in Australia." The LeT is able to expand much more than other Pak Jihadi groups, because it is a Salafi group, while the others like Jaish are Deobandis, which is a sect that doesnât really exist outside of Afghanistan/Pakistan/India. The LeT is also the only major Jihadi group that wasnât banned during the recent crackdown in Pakistan. This growing perception is troubling Musharraf, who admitted at an iftar party in Islamabad last week that the world was "doubting Pakistanâs sincerity" in tackling terrorism.
The trainers at many of the Pakistani training camps were actually retired members of the Pakistani special forces, of SSG. Besides which, there always has been, and to this day still are, many more Jihadi training camps in Pakistan than there were in Afghanistan. Most estimates put the number of Jihadis in Pakistan at up to 200,000.
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