Syria-Lebanon-Iran | |
Car bomb explodes in Christian area of Beirut | |
2005-09-17 | |
![]() At least no one appears to have been killed. The explosion was the latest in a series of blasts that have shaken Beirut, some killing or wounding prominent politicians and others hitting public areas and causing panic. It came days after a U.N. investigator visited Damascus to set up interviews with top Syrian officials over the most notorious of the bomb blasts â a Feb. 14 explosion that killed former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and 20 other people. The U.N. team has already accused four senior Lebanese security officials who carried out Syrian policy in the country. Many in
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Iraq-Jordan | |
MEMRI Ticker: One of Jund al-Shams founders killed at Qaim | |
2005-07-16 | |
Ain-Al-Yaqeen stated on July 1st that: 'The right hand man of Jordanian militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi is thought to have died in the same U.S. raid, on the town of al-Qaim near the Syrian border, in which the wanted Saudi Abdullah Rushud lost his life. Abu al-Ghadiya al-Suri's death was also reported by the Arab newspaper Al-Hayat, which cited a source close to al-Qaida as confirming that al-Suri was killed several days ago, around the time Rushud's death was announced in a statement attributed to al-Zarqawi. Abu al-Ghadiya al-Suri is considered one of the leading members of the Jund al-Sham organization, founded with al-Zarqawi in 1999 in Herat. He is considered the brains behind al-Zarqawi's group.' (Ain-al-Yaqeen, Saudi Arabia, 7/1/05)
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Terror Networks |
Behind the new face of terror |
2004-05-24 |
Zarqawi has operated widely. German authorities investigating the Hamburg cell after September 11 came across another terrorist group called al-Tawhid (Unity), made up mainly of Palestinian militants trained in Zarqawi's Afghan camps. Tawhid operatives told investigators they got their start in Europe selling forged documents to militants travelling between the Middle East and western Europe. With the outbreak of war in Iraq, Tawhid converted its alien-smuggling and document forgery ring into a two-way underground link between western Europe and the Middle East. According to press reports, networks in Spain, Italy and Germany send recruits into Iraq via Syria. US military officials in Iraq now blame the most heinous terrorist attacks on "the Zarqawi network". But Zarqawi's alien-smuggling system also dispatches Middle Eastern jihadis into Europe via Spain, Turkey, Italy and Greece. In November 2003, Italian wiretaps recorded two Tawhid operatives speaking of "the jihad part" and its "battalion of 25-26 units" of suicide bombers. If Zarqawi's underground railroad demonstrates the terrorist uses of illegal immigration, the investigation into the Madrid bombings reveals new connections to Zarqawi every week. Zarqawi's lieutenant, a 36-year-old Moroccan named Amer el Azizi, planned the Madrid terror and is the living link between al-Qa'ida, the Zarqawi network and the Moroccan immigrant cell that set the Madrid bombs. Azizi also organised and presided over the 2001 meeting in Spain where Mohammed Atta and al-Qa'ida leaders put the finishing touches on the September 11 plan. Azizi fled Spain in November 2001 as Spanish authorities dismantled the al-Qa'ida logistics cell. He jetted to Afghanistan via Iran, where Zarqawi's cross-border networks helped him elude the coalition. While falling in with Zarqawi, Azizi kept an eye on Spain and his Moroccan colleagues, who managed to set off bombs in Casablanca in May 2003. Shortly before the Madrid train bombings, Azizi left Iran via Turkey and slipped into Spain to witness the carnage first-hand. He is still at large. Probably the murkiest and most intriguing feature of this man of mystery is the question of Zarqawi's relations with bin Laden. Although he met with bin Laden in Afghanistan several times, the Jordanian never joined al-Qa'ida. Militants have explained that Tawhid was "especially for Jordanians who did not want to join al-Qa'ida". A confessed Tawhid member even told his interrogators that Zarqawi was "against al-Qa'ida". Shortly after September 11, a fleeing Ramzi bin al-Shibh, one of the main plotters of the attacks, appealed to Tawhid operatives for a forged visa. He could not come up with ready cash. Told that he did not belong to Tawhid, he was sent packing and eventually into the arms of the Americans. Zarqawi and bin Laden also disagree over strategy. Zarqawi allegedly constructed his Tawhid network primarily to target Jews and Jordan. This choice reflected both Zarqawi's Palestinian heritage and his dissent from bin Laden's strategy of focusing on the "far enemy" -- the US. In an audiotape released after the recent foiled gas attack in Amman, an individual claiming to be Zarqawi argued that the Jordanian Intelligence Services building was indeed the target, although no chemical attack was planned. Rather, he stated menacingly: "God knows, if we did possess (a chemical bomb), we wouldn't hesitate one second to use it to hit Israeli cities such as Eilat and Tel Aviv." The Tawhid cell uncovered in Hamburg after September 11 scouted Jewish targets, including businesses and synagogues. Zarqawi's operatives have been implicated in an attack on a Mombasa hotel frequented by Israeli tourists and an attempt to shoot down an Israeli jetliner. He is also suspected to have played a role in the Casablanca bombings of a Jewish community centre and a Spanish social club. In February 2002, a Jordanian court sentenced him in absentia to 15 years' hard labour for his involvement in a failed plot to kill American and Israeli tourists at the turn of the millennium, a scheme co-ordinated with Abu Zubaydah, a top lieutenant of bin Laden. Another Jordanian court sentenced him, again in absentia, to death for the assassination of US diplomat Laurence Foley. He is also the prime suspect in the August 2003 truck bombing of the Jordanian embassy in Baghdad. Zarqawi has been associated with other groups besides Tawhid. Most notorious is Ansar al Islam, a largely Kurdish organisation operating out of northern Iraq, which US officials have linked to al-Qa'ida. Before the war, Ansar al Islam ran chemical warfare camps in northern Iraq. Last year, British counter-terrorist investigators traced poisonous ricin found in Manchester to those camps. Zarqawi has been linked with two lesser-known al-Qa'ida splinter groups: Beyyiat el-Imam, implicated in attacks in Israel as well as the November 2003 attack on a synagogue in Turkey; and Jund al-Shams, a Syrian-Jordanian group blamed for the assassination of Foley. He has also been linked to Chechen jihadis, and Indian intelligence says he belongs to Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, a Pakistani Sunni group responsible for slaying hundreds of Shias in South Asia. The slaughter of Shias touches on another Zarqawi beef with bin Laden. While both men follow the strict code of Salafi Islam, which reckons Shias as apostates, bin Laden prides himself on being a unifying figure and has made tactical alliances with Shia groups, meeting several times with Shia militants. Zarqawi, by contrast, favours butchering Shias, calling them "the most evil of mankind . . . the lurking snake, the crafty and malicious scorpion, the spying enemy, and the penetrating venom". US military officials hold Zarqawi responsible not only for assassinating Shia religious leaders in Iraq but also for the multiple truck bombings of a Shia religious festival in March that killed 143 worshippers. But although bin Laden and Zarqawi differ on strategy, Zarqawi too cloaks his plans for mass murder in the language of the religious zealot. To Zarqawi "religion is more precious than anything and has priority over lives, wealth and children". He considers Iraq ideal for jihad especially because "it is a stone's throw from the lands of the two holy precincts (Saudi Arabia) and the Al Aqsa (mosque, in Jerusalem). "We know from God's religion that the true, decisive battle between infidelity and Islam is in this land (greater Syria and its surroundings)." On the tape of the beheading of Berg, entitled "Sheikh Abu Musab Zarqawi executes an American with his own hands and promises Bush more", Zarqawi rages: "Where is the compassion, where is the anger for God's religion, and where is the protection for Muslims' pride in the crusaders' jails? The pride of all Muslim men and women in Abu Ghraib and other jails is worth blood and souls." The CIA has verified that Zarqawi himself spoke on the tape and personally beheaded Berg. Similarly, the videotaped beheading of Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl in February 2002 was carried out directly by another jihadi leader, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed. The latter, like Zarqawi, never swore allegiance to bin Laden. In this bloodthirsty crowd it appears that slitting the throat of an American Jew wins laurels. In January 2004, Iraqi Kurds captured a message from Zarqawi in Iraq to bin Laden. Zarqawi offered bin Laden a chance to expand al-Qa'ida's role in Iraq. Victory, Zarqawi instructed, meant fomenting sectarian war between Shi'ites and Sunnis. There are no indications that bin Laden responded, and there are now signs of co-operation between some Iraqi Shia and Sunni militants. Are bin Laden and Zarqawi running competing terrorist organisations in Iraq? Zarqawi's letter is addressed to a colleague or even a potential competitor rather than to one he regards as his sheikh or emir. He offers darkly: "We do not see ourselves as fit to challenge you." Zarqawi gives bin Laden two choices: "If you agree with us . . . we will be your readied soldiers, working under your banner, complying with your orders, and indeed swearing fealty to you publicly and in the news media . . . If things appear otherwise to you, we are brothers, and the disagreement will not spoil (our) friendship." Zarqawi exemplifies Sunni terrorism after September 11 and the invasion of Iraq, what some call "al-Qa'ida 2.0". The Western counter-offensive decimated al-Qa'ida's leadership, stripped the organisation of safe havens and training camps, and disrupted its command and control. Former al-Qa'ida subsidiaries became franchises, receiving inspiration from bin Laden's occasional messages but operating independently. Historically speaking, the dynamic of revolutionary movements favours the most radical faction â the Jacobins, not the Girondists, the Bolsheviks, not the Menshiviks. If this dynamic prevails in contemporary Sunni terrorism, Zarqawi represents the future. |
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Saddamâs ambassador to al-Qaeda | ||||||||||
2004-02-21 | ||||||||||
A RECENTLY INTERCEPTED MESSAGE from Iraq-based terrorist Abu Musab al Zarqawi asking the al Qaeda leadership for reinforcements reignited the debate over al Qaeda ties with Saddam Husseinâs fallen Baath regime. William Safire of the New York Times called the message a "smoking gun," while the University of Michiganâs Juan Cole says that Safire "offers not even one document to prove" the Saddam-al Qaeda nexus. What you are about to read bears directly on that debate. It is based on a recent interview with Abdul Rahman al-Shamari, who served in Saddamâs secret police, the Mukhabarat, from 1997 to 2002, and is currently sitting in a Kurdish prison. Al-Shamari says that he worked for a man who was Saddamâs envoy to al Qaeda. Before recounting details from my January 29 interview, some caution is necessary. Al-Shamariâs account was compelling and filled with specific information that would either make him a skilled and detailed liar or a man with information that the U.S. public needs to hear. My Iraqi escort informed me that al-Shamari has been in prison since March 2002, that U.S. officials have visited him several times, and that his story has remained consistent. There was little language barrier; my Arabic skills allowed me to understand much of what al-Shamari said, even before translation. Finally, subsequent conversations with U.S. government officials in Washington and Baghdad, as well as several articles written well before this one, indicate that al-Shamariâs claims have been echoed by other sources throughout Iraq. When I walked into the tiny interrogation room, it was midmorning. I had just finished interviews with two other prisoners--both members of Ansar al-Islam, the al Qaeda affiliate responsible for attacks against Kurdish and Western targets in northern Iraq. The group had been active in a small enclave near Halabja in the Kurdistan region from about September 2001 until the U.S. assault on Iraq last spring, when its Arab and Kurdish fighters fled over the Iranian border, only to return after the war. U.S. officials now suspect Ansar in some of the bloodier attacks against U.S. interests throughout Iraq. My first question to al-Shamari was whether he was involved in the operations of Ansar al Islam. My translator asked him the question in Arabic, and al-Shamari nodded: "Yes." Al-Shamari, who appears to be in his late twenties, said that his division of the Mukhabarat provided weapons to Ansar, "mostly mortar rounds." This statement echoed an independent Kurdish report from July 2002 alleging that ordnance seized from Ansar al Islam was produced by Saddamâs military and a Guardian article several weeks later alleging that truckloads of arms were shipped to Ansar from areas controlled by Saddam.
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This is a complete transcript of the Weekly Standard article that details US intelligence on the Iraq/al-Qaeda connection. OSAMA BIN LADEN and Saddam Hussein had an operational relationship from the early 1990s to 2003 that involved training in explosives and weapons of mass destruction, logistical support for terrorist attacks, al Qaeda training camps and safe haven in Iraq, and Iraqi financial support for al Qaeda--perhaps even for Mohamed Atta--according to a top secret U.S. government memorandum obtained by THE WEEKLY STANDARD. And there goes the "hyped intelligence" charge in regards to the Iraq/al-Qaeda connection. A lot of this stuff also comes from the early to late 1990s, long before Bush even thought of running for president. The memo, dated October 27, 2003, was sent from Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas J. Feith to Senators Pat Roberts and Jay Rockefeller, the chairman and vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. It was written in response to a request from the committee as part of its investigation into prewar intelligence claims made by the administration. Intelligence reporting included in the 16-page memo comes from a variety of domestic and foreign agencies, including the FBI, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. Much of the evidence is detailed, conclusive, and corroborated by multiple sources. Some of it is new information obtained in custodial interviews with high-level al Qaeda terrorists and Iraqi officials, and some of it is more than a decade old. The picture that emerges is one of a history of collaboration between two of Americaâs most determined and dangerous enemies. Which would seem to annihilate the belief that secular and religious terrorist groups are incapable of collaboration. Why, itâs as outrageous as a right-wing American Republican president being in league with a left-wing British Labour prime minister! Their ideologies are completely incompatible. According to the memoâwhich lays out the intelligence in 50 numbered pointsâIraq-al Qaeda contacts began in 1990 and continued through mid-March 2003, days before the Iraq War began. Most of the numbered passages contain straight, fact-based intelligence reporting, which in some cases includes an evaluation of the credibility of the source. This reporting is often followed by commentary and analysis. Mmm! Yummy! The relationship began shortly before the first Gulf War. According to reporting in the memo, bin Laden sent "emissaries to Jordan in 1990 to meet with Iraqi government officials." At some unspecified point in 1991, according to a CIA analysis, "Iraq sought Sudanâs assistance to establish links to al Qaeda." The outreach went in both directions. According to 1993 CIA reporting cited in the memo, "bin Laden wanted to expand his organizationâs capabilities through ties with Iraq." That would make General Bashir and Turabi the main drivers behind al-Qaeda hooking up with Iraq as well as Iran. Yet another reason to keep Sudan on the terrorist list.
Do "proscribed weapons" include nerve gas? We saw Abu Khabab and Co testing it out on dogs at Darunta camp. The UN bright boys say that itâs only a matter of time till al-Qaeda carries out a chem/bio attack and that may well be what El Shukrijumah and his boss Jdey were sent over to the States for. Interesting that we first started looking for them about the same time that Sammyâs 48 deadline expired, donât ya think? One such confirmation came in a postwar interview with one of Saddam Husseinâs henchmen. As the memo details: 4. According to a May 2003 debriefing of a senior Iraqi intelligence officer, Iraqi intelligence established a highly secretive relationship with Egyptian Islamic Jihad, and later with al Qaeda. The first meeting in 1992 between the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) and al Qaeda was brokered by al-Turabi. Former IIS deputy director Faruq Hijazi and senior al Qaeda leader [Ayman al] Zawahiri were at the meetingâthe first of several between 1992 and 1995 in Sudan. Additional meetings between Iraqi intelligence and al Qaeda were . Members of al Qaeda would sometimes visit Baghdad where they would meet the Iraqi intelligence chief in a safe house. The report claimed that Saddam insisted the relationship with al Qaeda be kept secret. After 9-11, the source said Saddam made a personnel change in the IIS for fear the relationship would come under scrutiny from foreign probes.Yet another benefit of having nearly collected the entire deck of cards. Hijazi is now in custody and the only Mukhabarat bad boy still at large is Habbush, IIRC. A decisive moment in the budding relationship came in 1993, when bin Laden faced internal resistance to his cooperation with Saddam. 5. A CIA report from a contact with good access, some of whose reporting has been corroborated, said that certain elements in the "Islamic Army" of bin Laden were against the secular regime of Saddam. Overriding the internal factional strife that was developing, bin Laden came to an "understanding" with Saddam that the Islamic Army would no longer support anti-Saddam activities. According to sensitive reporting released in U.S. court documents during the African Embassy trial, in 1993 bin Laden reached an "understanding" with Saddam under which he (bin Laden) forbade al Qaeda operations to be mounted against the Iraqi leader.The Islamic Army was an early name for al-Qaeda, though Binny didnât care much for it and so he stuck with the latter. The mention of differences over whether or not to align with Iraq among the al-Qaeda brass is interesting and could explain why both Zubaydah and Khalid said it never happened to begin with. May be yet another sign of the groupâs decentralization that not all the leaders were aware of the full extent of the groupâs allies. Or they could just be lying and in need of more giggle juice. Another facilitator of the relationship during the mid-1990s was Mahmdouh Mahmud Salim (a.k.a. Abu Hajer al-Iraqi). Abu Hajer, now in a New York prison, was described in court proceedings related to the August 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania as bin Ladenâs "best friend." According to CIA reporting dating back to the Clinton administration, bin Laden trusted him to serve as a liaison with Saddamâs regime and tasked him with procurement of weapons of mass destruction for al Qaeda. FBI reporting in the memo reveals that Abu Hajer "visited Iraq in early 1995" and "had a good relationship with Iraqi intelligence. Sometime before mid-1995 he went on an al Qaeda mission to discuss unspecified cooperation with the Iraqi government." Salim got jugged after the Embassy bombings and stabbed a guard in the eye with a knife he made out of a comb. He was reportedly head of al-Qaedaâs WMD division, though I imagine that Abu Khabab has taken on that role these days. Makes sense that he would try to get technical help from the people with the most experience in that field. Some of the reporting about the relationship throughout the mid-1990s comes from a source who had intimate knowledge of bin Laden and his dealings. This source, according to CIA analysis, offered "the most credible information" on cooperation between bin Laden and Iraq. This sourceâs reports read almost like a diary. Specific dates of when bin Laden flew to various cities are included, as well as names of individuals he met. The source did not offer information on the substantive talks during the meetings. . . . There are not a great many reports in general on the relationship between bin Laden and Iraq because of the secrecy surrounding it. But when this source with close access provided a "window" into bin Ladenâs activities, bin Laden is seen as heavily involved with Iraq (and Iran). Ties with the Black Hats isnât going to be surprising anybody, given that Binny himself may well be hanging out at an IRGC military base with Junior these days if heâs still alive. Be interesting to know where else he was racking up frequent flyer miles, though. Reporting from the early 1990s remains somewhat sketchy, though multiple sources place Hassan al-Turabi and Ayman al Zawahiri, bin Ladenâs current No. 2, at the center of the relationship. The reporting gets much more specific in the mid-1990s: 8. Reporting from a well placed source disclosed that bin Laden was receiving training on bomb making from the IISâs [Iraqi Intelligence Service] principal technical expert on making sophisticated explosives, Brigadier Salim al-Ahmed. Brigadier Salim was observed at bin Ladenâs farm in Khartoum in Sept.-Oct. 1995 and again in July 1996, in the company of the Director of Iraqi Intelligence, Mani abd-al-Rashid al-Tikriti.That "farm" was also al-Qaeda HQ as long as the group was based in Sudan. 9 . . . Bin Laden visited Doha, Qatar (17-19 Jan. 1996), staying at the residence of a member of the Qatari ruling family. He discussed the successful movement of explosives into Saudi Arabia, and operations targeted against U.S. and U.K. interests in Dammam, Dharan, and Khobar, using clandestine al Qaeda cells in Saudi Arabia. Upon his return, bin Laden met with Hijazi and Turabi, among others.Iâm guessing that the Qatari royal in question is our good buddy Abdul Karim al-Thani, who also hosted Zarqawi and Khalid on occasion and poured millions into al-Qaedaâs coffers. My guess would be that heâs another link in the Golden Chain. And later more reporting, from the same "well placed" source: 10. The Director of Iraqi Intelligence, Mani abd-al-Rashid al-Tikriti, met privately with bin Laden at his farm in Sudan in July 1996. Tikriti used an Iraqi delegation traveling to Khartoum to discuss bilateral cooperation as his "cover" for his own entry into Sudan to meet with bin Laden and Hassan al-Turabi. The Iraqi intelligence chief and two other IIS officers met at bin Ladenâs farm and discussed bin Ladenâs request for IIS technical assistance in: a) making letter and parcel bombs; b) making bombs which could be placed on aircraft and detonated by changes in barometric pressure; and c) making false passport [sic]. Bin Laden specifically requested that [Brigadier Salim al-Ahmed], Iraqi intelligenceâs premier explosives makerâespecially skilled in making car bombsâremain with him in Sudan. The Iraqi intelligence chief instructed Salim to remain in Sudan with bin Laden as long as required.Ali Mohammed said court testimony at the Embassy bombing trials that Binny decided to outsource explosives expertise after the first WTC bombing and that Turabi hooked him up with the Black Hats, Mugniyeh, and Hezbollah. From the looks of things, he didnât stop there. The analysis of those events follows: The time of the visit from the IIS director was a few weeks after the Khobar Towers bombing. The bombing came on the third anniversary of a U.S. [Tomahawk missile] strike on IIS HQ (retaliation for the attempted assassination of former President Bush in Kuwait) for which Iraqi officials explicitly threatened retaliation.And they did a little outsourcing of their own to do it. That also means that the Saudi cover story was bunk, whoâd of thought it? IN ADDITION TO THE CONTACTS CLUSTERED in the mid-1990s, intelligence reports detail a flurry of activities in early 1998 and again in December 1998. A "former senior Iraqi intelligence officer" reported that "the Iraqi intelligence service station in Pakistan was Baghdadâs point of contact with al Qaeda. He also said bin Laden visited Baghdad in Jan. 1998 and met with Tariq Aziz." That fits with documents recovered by various newspapers from the old Mukhabarat HQ, including the UK Telegraph.
11. According to sensitive reporting, Saddam personally sent Faruq Hijazi, IIS deputy director and later Iraqi ambassador to Turkey, to meet with bin Laden at least twice, first in Sudan and later in Afghanistan in 1999. . . .Iâm guessing that this Jund al-Shams or whatever the prototype for Ansar al-Islam was called. Another possibility would be that itâs Komala Islamiyyah, which hosted one of Ansarâs chemical weapons factories at Khurmal before the war and got hit with US cruise missiles on the first night of the bombing. Abdul Aziz sounds like a Saudi name, though Iâm curious as to whether or not he was "Ghost," the name of the top terrorist trainer referenced by the two Iraqi defectors from Salman Pak in October 2001. That visit came as the Iraqis intensified their defiance of the U.N. inspection regime, known as UNSCOM, created by the cease-fire agreement following the Gulf War. UNSCOM demanded access to Saddamâs presidential palaces that he refused to provide. As the tensions mounted, President Bill Clinton went to the Pentagon on February 18, 1998, and prepared the nation for war. He warned of "an unholy axis of terrorists, drug traffickers, and organized international criminals" and said "there is no more clear example of this threat than Saddam Hussein." And loathe as I am to admit it, he had a good point. The day after this speech, according to documents unearthed in April 2003 in the Iraqi Intelligence headquarters by journalists Mitch Potter and Inigo Gilmore, Husseinâs intelligence service wrote a memo detailing coming meetings with a bin Laden representative traveling to Baghdad. Each reference to bin Laden had been covered by liquid paper that, when revealed, exposed a plan to increase cooperation between Iraq and al Qaeda. According to that memo, the IIS agreed to pay for "all the travel and hotel costs inside Iraq to gain the knowledge of the message from bin Laden and to convey to his envoy an oral message from us to bin Laden." The document set as the goal for the meeting a discussion of "the future of our relationship with him, bin Laden, and to achieve a direct meeting with him." The al Qaeda representative, the document went on to suggest, might provide "a way to maintain contacts with bin Laden." Yep, it looks like Sammy wanted to be able to outsource al-Qaeda to hit back at the US without him actually having to do so, which fit with Binnyâs goals just perfectly. Four days later, on February 23, 1998, bin Laden issued his now-famous fatwa on the plight of Iraq, published in the Arabic-language daily, al Quds al-Arabi: "For over seven years the United States has been occupying the lands of Islam in the holiest of places, the Arabian Peninsula, plundering its riches, dictating to its rulers, humiliating its people, terrorizing its neighbors, and turning its bases in the Peninsula into a spearhead through which to fight the neighboring Muslim peoples."Bin Laden urged his followers to act: "The ruling to kill all Americans and their alliesâcivilians and militaryâis an individual duty for every Muslim who can do it in any country in which it is possible to do it." This would be the formal creation of the International Islamic Front, IIRC correctly. CNN has the video up in the "Terror on Tape" section of their website. Although war was temporarily averted by a last-minute deal brokered by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, tensions soon rose again. The standoff with Iraq came to a head in December 1998, when President Clinton launched Operation Desert Fox, a 70-hour bombing campaign that began on December 16 and ended three days later, on December 19, 1998. According to press reports at the time, Faruq Hijazi, deputy director of Iraqi Intelligence, met with bin Laden in Afghanistan on December 21, 1998, to offer bin Laden safe haven in Iraq. CIA reporting in the memo to the Senate Intelligence Committee seems to confirm this meeting and relates two others. 15. A foreign government service reported that an Iraqi delegation, including at least two Iraqi intelligence officers formerly assigned to the Iraqi Embassy in Pakistan, met in late 1998 with bin Laden in Afghanistan.Hijaziâs little trek to Afghanistan is pretty much a matter of public record when it happened ... and was roundly ignored by the press during the run up to war. An analysis that follows No. 18 provides additional context and an explanation of these reports:
INTELLIGENCE REPORTS about the nature of the relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda from mid-1999 through 2003 are conflicting. One senior Iraqi intelligence officer in U.S. custody, Khalil Ibrahim Abdallah, "said that the last contact between the IIS and al Qaeda was in July 1999. Bin Laden wanted to meet with Saddam, he said. The guidance sent back from Saddamâs office reportedly ordered Iraqi intelligence to refrain from any further contact with bin Laden and al Qaeda. The source opined that Saddam wanted to distance himself from al Qaeda." Then there is still the issue of Zarqawi in Baghdad, indicating that perhaps Sammy didnât want to back off quite that much ... The bulk of reporting on the relationship contradicts this claim. One report states that "in late 1999" al Qaeda set up a training camp in northern Iraq that "was operational as of 1999." Other reports suggest that the Iraqi regime contemplated several offers of safe haven to bin Laden throughout 1999. The northern Iraq training camp was probably actually the proto-Ansar al-Islam (at Khurmal?), though this was indicate that they were up and running by 1999. 23. . . . Iraqi officials were carefully considering offering safe haven to bin Laden and his closest collaborators in Nov. 1999. The source indicated the idea was put forward by the presumed head of Iraqi intelligence in Islamabad (Khalid Janaby) who in turn was in frequent contact and had good relations with bin Laden.Some of the most intriguing intelligence concerns an Iraqi named Ahmed Hikmat Shakir: 24. According to sensitive reporting, a Malaysia-based Iraqi national (Shakir) facilitated the arrival of one of the Sept 11 hijackers for an operational meeting in Kuala Lumpur (Jan 2000). Sensitive reporting indicates Shakirâs travel and contacts link him to a worldwide network of terrorists, including al Qaeda. Shakir worked at the Kuala Lumpur airportâa job he claimed to have obtained through an Iraqi embassy employee.Now that is interesting. Where exactly is Shakir these days, anyway? One of the men at that al Qaeda operational meeting in the Kuala Lumpur Hotel was Tawfiz al Atash, a top bin Laden lieutenant later identified as the mastermind of the October 12, 2000, attack on the USS Cole. Yet another one-legged al-Qaeda supremo ... 25. Investigation into the bombing of the USS Cole in October 2000 by al Qaeda revealed no specific Iraqi connections but according to the CIA, "fragmentary evidence points to possible Iraqi involvement."Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi was on the top 20 list pre-9/11 (back when Khalid was assumed to be just Oplan Bojinka small fry), so if this is him talking under interrogation it be at least as credible as Zubaydah and Khalidâs. The analysis of this report follows. CIA maintains that Ibn al-Shaykhâs timeline is consistent with other sensitive reporting indicating that bin Laden asked Iraq in 1998 for advanced weapons, including CBW and "poisons." Thereâs a comforting thought. Did he get an answer? Additional reporting also calls into question the claim that relations between Iraq and al Qaeda cooled after mid-1999: 27. According to sensitive CIA reporting, . . . the Saudi National Guard went on a kingdom-wide state of alert in late Dec 2000 after learning Saddam agreed to assist al Qaeda in attacking U.S./U.K. interests in Saudi Arabia.And then there is the alleged contact between lead 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta and an Iraqi intelligence officer in Prague. The reporting on those links suggests not one meeting, but as many as four. Whatâs more, the memo reveals potential financing of Attaâs activities by Iraqi intelligence. The Czech counterintelligence service reported that the Sept. 11 hijacker [Mohamed] Atta met with the former Iraqi intelligence chief in Prague, [Ahmed Khalil Ibrahim Samir] al Ani, on several occasions.And the commentary: CIA can confirm two Atta visits to Pragueâin Dec. 1994 and in June 2000; data surrounding the other twoâon 26 Oct 1999 and 9 April 2001âis complicated and sometimes contradictory and CIA and FBI cannot confirm Atta met with the IIS. Czech Interior Minister Stanislav Gross continues to stand by his information.Itâs not just Gross who stands by the information. Five high-ranking members of the Czech government have publicly confirmed meetings between Atta and al Ani. The meeting that has gotten the most press attentionâApril 9, 2001âis also the most widely disputed. Even some of the most hawkish Bush administration officials are privately skeptical that Atta met al Ani on that occasion. They believe that reports of the alleged meeting, said to have taken place in public, outside the headquarters of the U.S.-financed Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, suggest a level of sloppiness that doesnât fit the pattern of previous high-level Iraq-al Qaeda contacts. Whether or not that specific meeting occurred, the report by Czech counterintelligence that al Ani ordered the Iraqi Intelligence Service officer to provide IIS funds to Atta might help explain the lead hijackerâs determination to reach Prague, despite significant obstacles, in the spring of 2000. (Note that the report stops short of confirming that the funds were transferred. It claims only that the IIS officer requested the transfer.) Recall that Atta flew to Prague from Germany on May 30, 2000, but was denied entry because he did not have a valid visa. Rather than simply return to Germany and fly directly to the United States, his ultimate destination, Atta took pains to get to Prague. After he was refused entry the first time, he traveled back to Germany, obtained the proper paperwork, and caught a bus back to Prague. He left for the United States the day after arriving in Prague for the second time.
31. An Oct. 2002 . . . report said al Qaeda and Iraq reached a secret agreement whereby Iraq would provide safe haven to al Qaeda members and provide them with money and weapons. The agreement reportedly prompted a large number of al Qaeda members to head to Iraq. The report also said that al Qaeda members involved in a fraudulent passport network for al Qaeda had been directed to procure 90 Iraqi and Syrian passports for al Qaeda personnel.How many of those 90 or so operatives turned out to be "North Africans" who showed up in Europe for Zarqawiâs chemical weapons plots in late 2002 and early 2003? Thereâs an imminent threat if you want one, IMHO ...
37. Sensitive reporting indicates senior terrorist planner and close al Qaeda associate al Zarqawi has had an operational alliance with Iraqi officials. As of Oct. 2002, al Zarqawi maintained contacts with the IIS to procure weapons and explosives, including surface-to-air missiles from an IIS officer in Baghdad. According to sensitive reporting, al Zarqawi was setting up sleeper cells in Baghdad to be activated in case of a U.S. occupation of the city, suggesting his operational cooperation with the Iraqis may have deepened in recent months. Such cooperation could include IIS provision of a secure operating bases [sic] and steady access to arms and explosives in preparation for a possible U.S. invasion. Al Zarqawiâs procurements from the Iraqis also could support al Qaeda operations against the U.S. or its allies elsewhere.We seem to be to dealing with the aftermath of that deal right now. That also jives with press reports of al-Qaeda fighting alongside the Fedayeen during the war. 38. According to sensitive reporting, a contact with good access who does not have an established reporting record: An Iraqi intelligence service officer said that as of mid-March the IIS was providing weapons to al Qaeda members located in northern Iraq, including rocket propelled grenade (RPG)-18 launchers. According to IIS information, northern Iraq-based al Qaeda members believed that the U.S. intended to strike al Qaeda targets during an anticipated assault against Ansar al-Islam positions.Yeah, that did them a lot of good ... The memo further reported pre-war intelligence which "claimed that an Iraqi intelligence official, praising Ansar al-Islam, provided it with $100,000 and agreed to continue to give assistance." Thatâs interesting, the highest sum Iâd seen that the PUK reported from Iraq to Ansar was $35,000 CRITICS OF THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION have complained that Iraq-al Qaeda connections are a fantasy, trumped up by the warmongers at the White House to fit their preconceived notions about international terror; that links between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden have been routinely "exaggerated" for political purposes; that hawks "cherry-picked" bits of intelligence and tendentiously presented these to the American public. Carl Levin, a senior member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, made those points as recently as November 9, in an appearance on "Fox News Sunday." Republicans on the committee, he complained, refuse to look at the administrationâs "exaggeration of intelligence." Said Levin: "The question is whether or not they exaggerated intelligence in order to carry out their purpose, which was to make the case for going to war. Did we know, for instance, with certainty that there was any relationship between the Iraqis and the terrorists that were in Afghanistan, bin Laden? The administration said that thereâs a connection between those terrorist groups in Afghanistan and Iraq. Was there a basis for that?"
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Indictment reveals operations of Jund al-Shams network | |||
2003-07-03 | |||
Thomas Foley, executive officer of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in Jordan, was shot dead last year outside his home in a western Amman neighbourhood. The 60-year-old diplomat was about to enter his car when he was hit by a volley of bullets fired from close range. Soon after, Jordan and the USA charged Al-Qaeda with responsibility for the attack. In an audio recording released several weeks later, believed to be by Osama Bin Laden, the speaker mentioned Foley's murder among a list of other attacks committed by Al-Qaeda.
So Zarqawi is the emir of Jund al-Shams, and also of al-Tawhid, so are these different names for the same organisation, or are they independant of each other, with Al-Zarqawi as the glue that holds these and other small Jihadi groups in the region together? In recent months, Israeli intelligence agencies have ceased the use of the term `Al-Qaeda' and began referring to what they call `World Jihad' - "a series of dozens of small affiliated organisations that operate in different levels of co-operation", according to a senior intelligence source who spoke to JTIC. "Al-Zarqawi embodies the complexity of this matrix," the source added. One only has to look at Thugburg to get a hint at the dozens of affiliated groups in the global Jihad, and for every one listed, there are probably at least a couple more still waiting to be noticed by the international media. I mean Pakistan alone has dozens of groups, and Indonesia probably has nearly as many. But they all want to see the Khalifate back, so they can get that permanant Jihad thing going until Dar-ul Harb becomes Dar ul Islam
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Iran | ||||||||
Zarqawi in Iran? | ||||||||
2003-06-10 | ||||||||
By Bill Gertz THE WASHINGTON TIMES A top al Qaeda associate in Iraq has fled to neighboring Iran, where he and several senior al-Qaeda leaders apparently remain under the protection of the Iranian government, U.S. intelligence officials say. Abu Musab al-Zarqawi fled Iraq within the past several weeks and is in Iran, the officials told The Washington Times. Al-Zarqawi was identified in a U.N. briefing given in February by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell as an "associate and collaborator of Osama bin Laden and his al Qaeda lieutenants." That link was a key element in the U.S. case that Saddam Hussein's Iraq was tied to al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, a stance repeated yesterday by President Bush in response to a New York Times report that said two al Qaeda captives had said the group did not cooperate with Saddam.
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