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Britain
'Russian spy' caught in England turns out to be alcoholic who sold out to Israel
2025-07-17
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Leonid Tsukanov

[REGNUM] The trial of local pensioner Howard Phillips, accused of working for Russian secret services, continues in the UK. At a hearing held recently at Winchester Crown Court, he shocked his accusers with a sensational statement.

It turns out that all this time he was allegedly working for Israel, helping Tel Aviv to identify “Russian spies.” And he acted solely out of a sense of solidarity with the Jewish state.

Despite the fact that Phillips' statement looked like an attempt to shift the focus to another topic and to pity from the jury, the "Israeli trace" in the story is still present - albeit not in the foreground. Tel Aviv had enough reasons to look for sore points of the British Conservatives.

SPY HUNTER
Howard Phillips, a 65-year-old British man of Jewish descent, did not have a distinguished career. He spent most of his life working in his family's fur factory in the East End and handling bankruptcy cases.

He never managed to develop the family business - the enterprise quickly went bankrupt. And his career as an auditor did not work out because of his addiction to alcohol.

Phillips began to experience increasingly frequent money problems and made ends meet with odd jobs. And in 2022, the start of Russia's SVO in Ukraine, according to his family, left the impressionable Briton "mentally traumatized."

He allegedly became suspicious and obsessed with ideas of revenge, constantly looking for traces of "Russian agents" and writing letters to all authorities calling for the arrest of this or that suspicious person. For this, neighbors even nicknamed Phillips "spy hunter".

But by a cruel irony, he himself came to the attention of counterintelligence.

In the spring of 2024, Phillips was arrested by Scotland Yard's Counter Terrorism Unit and handed over to MI5. He was accused of sending a letter to the Russian embassy offering to sell valuable information about the British cabinet.

And then he collected and tried to pass on to London’s opponents (who were posed as British security forces) a dossier on Grant Shapps, the Minister of Defence in Rishi Sunak’s Conservative cabinet.

The flash drive, intended for the “customers,” contained information about the minister’s home address and the location of his private jet, his hobbies, his immediate circle of friends, and his strengths and weaknesses.

The prosecution also notes that during the conversation, Phillips boasted about his personal acquaintance with the minister and his family, thereby hinting at his own value as an operational source, and also promised to obtain new information if he was well paid.

However, when he told the jury at Winchester Crown Court, the defendant gave a different picture.

He admitted that he did send a letter to the Russian diplomatic mission in March 2024, but did not do so for the purpose of criminal gain.

On the contrary, Phillips wanted to personally expose the enemy's agents - since his numerous appeals to the authorities remained unheeded. He sent a similar offer to "buy information" to the Iranian embassy, but there was no response.

Moreover, at the trial, Phillips stated that he hunted for “Russian spies” also out of solidarity with Israel.

When asked by the prosecutor what benefit such work could bring to Tel Aviv, the accused stated that he wanted to give the information he had collected about Russian agents to the Israelis so that they would “notify Great Britain” and thus “receive recognition for this” from London.

Phillips described his attitude towards Russia as “sharply negative.”

ISRAELI TRACE
Despite the fact that the "Phillips case" is "spy" only conditionally, it will most likely be brought to a demonstrative conclusion. And the "Russian trace" will remain the main one in it - as the most advantageous for London in the conditions of confrontation with Moscow.

At the same time, there are other thematic lines in the case that are currently being ignored by the British justice system. In particular, the "spy hunter" clearly downplays the scale of his contacts with the Israeli side.

Back in December 2023 – almost three months before he approached the Russian embassy and came to the attention of counterintelligence – Phillips sent an email to the consular secretary of the Israeli embassy in the UK, asking for a face-to-face meeting with someone from the diplomatic apparatus. His request was granted.

After this, Phillips' behavior changed noticeably.

He gave up drinking and suddenly tried to get a job with the UK Border Force - although, according to family members, he previously hated the agency, calling its employees "useless slackers".

His financial situation also improved.

In particular, he was able to rent a small apartment in the London area of Harlesden (famous for its Middle Eastern restaurants), a few blocks from the Israeli embassy.

True, subsequent searches at this address yielded nothing - the apartment turned out to be uninhabited, although the detainee claimed that he spent a lot of time there. Including preparing "traps for Russian intelligence agents."

The "cleanliness" of the home suggests that Phillips' potential employers learned of his failure and rushed to cover their tracks before the police arrived.

HIDDEN INTEREST
Israel may certainly have had its own motives for seeking the eyes and ears of prominent British Conservatives. And Defence Secretary Shapps seemed a priority target, as he had been the most vocal critic of London's involvement in the Middle East.

He also torpedoed plans for operations against Yemen's Houthis and delayed the transfer of intelligence to Tel Aviv, thereby depriving it of tactical advantages. The confidential information Phillips had could well have become a lever of influence and pressure on the British Defense Minister, if Israel had used it at the right time.

However, by the spring of 2025 it became clear that Sunak's Conservative government would not last long and there was no need to rush to obtain dirt on Shapps.

Moreover, the inexperience of the newly acquired agent and his desire to attract as much public attention to the "spy hunt" as possible created the risk of exposure. That is why, over time, the Israelis distanced themselves from the inconvenient informant.

The discord was indirectly confirmed by Phillips himself, who noted during one of his interrogations that by the beginning of spring 2025 he was “entirely focused on searching for Russian spies” in Great Britain in order to “confirm a sense of solidarity” with the Jewish state.

With the victory of the Labour Party led by Keir Starmer, the cabinet changed. In July 2024, Shapps resigned, and the value of the "Phillips archive" for foreign intelligence dropped to zero.

Moreover, the new head of the Defense Department, John Healey, turned out to be more militant and supported Tel Aviv’s escalatory course, expanding the range of assistance provided to the Israelis.

Israel is unlikely to spoil relations with London. There is no need for the British authorities to promote this version either. Instead of fueling anti-Semitic sentiments, it is much more profitable to maintain fear of the omnipresent Russian intelligence and its “insidious agents.”

This means that Phillips' claims of working for Tel Aviv will most likely be written off as a clouded mind or self-hypnosis, and his case will not affect relations between Israel and Great Britain.

Link


Africa Subsaharan
Undermining Russia's Influence in Africa: British Send Secret Mission to CAR
2025-07-16
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Arkady Melikov

[REGNUM] British Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Congo Alison King intends to make an unofficial visit to the neighboring Central African Republic (CAR). According to a source for the African Initiative news agency, the goal of the secret trip is to try to convince the CAR leadership to take an anti-Russian position in the international arena and refuse to use military units trained by Russian specialists.

“The British and French authorities are doing everything possible to undermine Russian political influence in the countries of Tropical Africa and return them to the status of semi-colonies of the West,” noted Kirill Babayev, a specialist on the region and president of the National Coordination Center (NCC) for International Business Cooperation, in a commentary to Regnum News Agency.

Given the special interest mentioned by former colonial powers, in this case Britain, it is necessary to look at Ambassador King's record and the context of her mission.

Alison King took up her duties as the UK's acting ambassador to Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), in April 2023. Since London does not have a separate diplomatic mission in the Central African capital of Bangui, she also oversees the CAR.

King previously served as deputy head of the British mission in Lebanon, and before that she headed the Middle East and North Africa sector in the British diplomatic system. She also had experience working at the British Foreign Office, where she oversaw relations with the states of Northern and Central Europe and interaction with EU institutions.

King began to “work substantively” with Africa within the framework of negotiation formats to resolve the conflict in Sudan and as a participant in the work of the European Commission on sanctions and “blood” diamonds (diamonds mined in areas where military operations are taking place).

The probable goals of the current secret visit to the Central African Republic can be judged by the latest publications on the official resources of the British Embassy in the DRC - for the end of June and the beginning of July 2025.

It is obvious that the real problems of the CAR are not among London's priorities. The main topic of all statements remains the active presence of Russia, which the British side is clearly concerned about.

Thus, at the end of June, the British diplomatic mission issued a statement by its delegate to the UN Security Council, which expressed interest in the elections in the Central African Republic scheduled for 2026. Although it noted "the progress made in extending state authority in some areas of the country," London simultaneously expressed concern about Bangui's choice of security partners. In particular, the UK calls on the Central African Republic authorities to pay attention to the actions of pro-Russian groups and ensure that those who violate human rights are held accountable.

According to the British side, the protection of the electoral process in the republic should be handled exclusively by the UN Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). However, as many analysts emphasize, the effectiveness of this structure in matters of establishing order in the country remains extremely low. Moreover, the supposed neutrality of the mission is increasingly being questioned, since, according to experts, it is being used by Western structures to lobby their own interests and influence the domestic political situation.

In 2024, the world community learned about large-scale incidents of sexual violence involving MINUSCA peacekeepers. Human rights organizations reported that such crimes had been committed systematically since 2015.

Despite the fact that investigations and revelations were published, including by Western media, the reaction of British diplomacy was not aimed at the real facts of human rights violations. Instead of seeking justice for the victims, London representatives insisted on the need to urgently combat “disinformation and hate speech,” including criticism of the MINUSCA mission itself.

Meanwhile, human rights groups well informed about the situation in the CAR confirm that the main threat to human rights is posed by armed groups that are not controlled by the central government. It is noteworthy that some leaders and active participants of these groups live peacefully in European countries, without fear of any responsibility for their crimes.

In a recent statement by the British diplomatic mission on July 10, made within the framework of the 58th session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, London once again appealed to the CAR with a demand to disband the armed units trained by Russian military instructors:

"We urge the Central African Republic to include these militias in a formal disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programme to prevent a resurgence of instability," the British side said.

According to experts on the region, behind all of London's recent statements on the situation in the CAR there is a medium-term goal - to weaken Russia's presence ahead of the national elections in 2026. For this purpose, the republic's authorities will blackmail with sanctions and try to destabilize the situation with the help of militant groups.

Even when it comes to the CAR’s return to the Kimberley Process, an international initiative to combat the trade in conflict diamonds, London’s emphasis remains the same. Instead of discussing the prospects for the CAR diamond industry, the embassy’s statement once again emphasizes its dissatisfaction with Russia’s position. Only a secondary mention is made of the CAR government’s call to comply with the terms of participation in the Kimberley Process and to ensure that the benefits of diamond production and export go to the country’s citizens themselves.

It is possible that traditional instruments of pressure will be used, from accusations of human rights violations to threats of sanctions and intervention through international structures. Moreover, back in 2024, sources of the African Initiative in the CAR reported the existence of a MINUSCA directive allowing the mission to participate in combat clashes with national armed forces.

"However, the current authorities of the CAR and other states in the region understand well that Russia is a reliable and profitable partner that respects both the sovereignty and traditional values of African countries and peoples, and are unlikely to agree to return to Western dictates," Kirill Babayev notes. Cooperation between Russia and the CAR is constantly expanding, and the leaders of the two countries are linked by friendly relations. "I am convinced that the CAR has no alternative to friendship with Russia," the interlocutor added.
Related:
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Democratic Republic of Congo: 2025-07-10 Legal complaint targets family of DRC's Felix Tshisekedi for looting
Democratic Republic of Congo: 2025-07-05 Fragile peace in Eastern DRC as M23 reacts cautiously to Kinshasa-Kigali acccord
Related:
Central African Republic: 2025-05-11 Boko Haram Threats Force Authorities To Cancel Muslim Friday Prayers In Cameroon
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Link


Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Japanese Salmon in a Russian River: How Kurosawa Rubbed Soldiers' Belts
2025-07-15
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Vasily Avchenko

[REGNUM] In July 1975, Akira Kurosawa's Dersu Uzala premiered at the Moscow International Film Festival, soon winning an Oscar and a bunch of other awards. What is interesting about this Soviet-Japanese film, shot half a century ago, today?

Its literary basis is the books "Along the Ussuri Region" and "Dersu Uzala" by the Far East researcher, scientist, and writer Vladimir Arsenyev (1872-1930). In them, according to Gorky's formulation, he managed to unite Brehm and Fenimore Cooper.

HIS EXCELLENCY'S ADJUTANT IN THE USSURI TAIGA
The works describing the expeditions to Primorye and other events of 1902–1910 are linked by a common hero, the Gold (Nanai) Dersu Uzala. His prototype is the Ussuri taiga hunter Derchu Odzhal, who lost his family due to a smallpox epidemic.

In 1906 and 1907 he was a guide for Arsenyev's detachment. A year later, Derchu was killed near Khabarovsk, at Korfovskaya station.

Akira Kurosawa knew and loved Russian classics. He made The Idiot based on Dostoevsky and The Lower Depths based on Gorky, used motifs from Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilyich in To Live, and thought about adapting Taras Bulba and Notes from the House of the Dead.

Kurosawa became interested in Arsenyev's works back in the late 1940s and even looked for locations on the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido. However, he later said: "In Hokkaido, such a film... could not have been made. The scale of nature there is different, not like the Ussuri taiga. A person like Dersu Uzala could not have lived there."

In the early 1970s, the Japanese classic was going through a crisis. His film "Under the Knock of Tram Wheels" was a flop, the director was thinking about suicide... And suddenly - as a sign of warming between Japan and the USSR and a life preserver - an invitation to Mosfilm.

The script was written by Kurosawa himself and writer Yuri Nagibin. The director approved Yuri Solomin for the role of Arsenyev, having highly praised the actor's work in Yevgeny Tashkov's "Adjutant of His Excellency".

It was more difficult with the lead actor. If in the Soviet film by Agassi Babayan "Dersu Uzala" (1961) the "foreigner" was played by the actor from Kazakhstan Kasym Zhakibayev, then Kurosawa initially saw his "talisman" Toshiro Mifune in this role.

Among others, they tried out Dersu and the Nanai Kola Beldy, who sang on stage on behalf of all the northern peoples at once (“I’ll take you to the tundra,” “And the deer are better,” “The Chukchi in the tent,” etc.).

In the end, however, Arsenyev’s companion was played by Tuvan actor Maxim Munzuk.

PAINTED BOARS AND GILDED LEAVES
The filming took place in Primorye, the expedition was based in the city of Arsenyev. Not only people were involved, but also animals - tiger Artyom, bear Rita, red deer Katya. Wild boars were played by black-painted state farm boars.

Translating Arsenyev’s semi-documentary prose, a hybrid of “Western” and scientific report, into the language of cinema is not easy: lengthy descriptions of landscapes, a mass of Latin terms… Kurosawa, who was maniacally demanding of every frame, insisted that the straps on Dersu’s knapsack be made of rawhide, and that the actors’ moustaches and beards be real.

He personally aged soldiers’ belts with sandpaper, straightened stones in a stream, and tinted leaves to prolong the golden autumn… In his memoirs, Kurosawa called these filmings in the USSR “the spawning of Japanese salmon in a Russian river.”

The Eastern-style meditative philosophical film almost turned into a scandal.

Relations between China and the USSR in those years, after the 1969 battles on Damansky Island, left much to be desired. Beijing perceived the film adaptation by Arsenyev (who was indeed a real hawk in matters concerning Russia's national interests) as an element of an "anti-Chinese international conspiracy."

The Chinese media wrote: this is propaganda of "expansionist policy" by "the renegade clique of Soviet revisionists." In particular, criticism was raised about the scene where an old Chinese man bows to Arsenyev: "This was done on strict orders from the leaders of the Soviet revisionist empire, who want modern China to bow to the USSR in the same way."

The head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, even reported to the Central Committee of the CPSU that the case could turn into a “rather burning political problem”…

Kurosawa, however, wisely noted: “I… am against including politics in this film.”

THE ENCHANTED WANDERER
Today, hardly anyone would see a political subtext in it. But in Arsenyev's books and Kurosawa's film, something else remains - the main and timeless: man, his place in the world, responsibility for everything that happens on the planet.

Arsenyev called Dersu a "primitive communist", alien to the "vices that... urban civilization brings". His Dersu is a person living in harmony with himself and the world, critical of technical progress in the absence of moral progress. He is a bearer of ecological consciousness and tolerance (in the highest sense of the word), a stalker-guide not only to the "temple of the taiga", but also to the hidden dimensions of another, subtle world.

No less important is Arsenyev himself, the author and hero, an enchanted wanderer, a city dweller who became a taiga dweller. This metropolitan native settled forever in a distant Far Eastern province, making his own personal "turn to the East." The infantry officer became a scientist of the broadest profile, a defender of indigenous peoples and nature.

His books, written at the same time as Oswald Spengler's The Decline of the West, contain not only descriptions of the taiga, rivers and mountains of the Ussuri region, but also criticism of modern civilization.

Finally, Arsenyev is a consistent patriot who at all times (including dark and troubled ones) defended the interests of his Fatherland, no matter what it was called at one or another historical moment.

Soon we will be able to see Dmitry Kiselev's series "Arsenyev". The main role is played by Yevgeny Mironov, Dersu is played by Kazakh actor Ondasyn Besikbasov.

The journey through the wilds of the Ussuri region, which began more than a century ago, continues.

Link


Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
'They Fell and Ran': How the Red Army Defeated the Ukrainian SS Division
2025-07-14
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Andrey Khrustalev

[REGNUM] On the morning of July 13, 1944, the troops of the 1st Ukrainian Front moved forward in the direction of the cities of Lvov and Rava-Ruska. The Lvov-Sandomierz operation was launched, which began the liberation of Western Ukraine and which put an end to the history of the SS Division "Galicia". At least, in the form that its German curators initially gave it.

The formation of units from “inferior” (from the point of view of the ideas of National Socialism) Slavs did not begin out of a good life - even though the initiative from below came immediately after the Nazi invasion of the USSR.

Already on June 29, 1941, one of Stepan Bandera’s deputies in the OUN (b)*, Yaroslav Stetsko, having arrived in Lviv in the convoy of the advancing Wehrmacht, organized a “national assembly” that adopted an act on the “restoration of the Ukrainian state.”

It stated: Ukraine "will closely cooperate with the National Socialist Greater Germany, which, under the leadership of its Leader Adolf Hitler, is creating a new order in Europe and the world and is helping the Ukrainian people to free themselves from Moscow occupation." The Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS command, as well as the occupation authorities, did not appreciate this zeal - in 1941, the Third Reich did not need the services of volunteer assistants.

But by 1943, after the defeats at Stalingrad and the Kursk Bulge, the situation had changed. When all forces were thrown at the Eastern Front, someone had to maintain the "Ordnung" in the occupied territories.

The date of creation of the 14th SS Grenadier Division "Galicia" is considered to be April 28, 1943, although recruitment lasted for several months. Personnel - over 80,000 people.

The division was called volunteer, and modern Ukrainian historians emphasize that motivated youth, high school students and students from the former “borderlands” – the eastern outskirts of Poland – went to “Galicia”.

In reality, anyone could join the volunteer Waffen Grenadier Division, many with physical limitations. The occupation authorities needed a picture - they needed to demonstrate to Berlin the loyalty and enthusiasm of the population under their control. There were far fewer real volunteers.

The first commander of the division was SS Gruppenführer Walter Schimana, a native of the Bohemian Troppau (now Opava in the Czech Republic), an officer in the Austro-Hungarian army during the First World War, and a member of the NSDAP since 1926. The officers of the “national-Ukrainian” division were exclusively Germans.

KILLINGS OF CIVILIANS
"Patriotically minded" Ukrainian historians often claim that ordinary Galicians allegedly did not know where they were signing up, perceiving the abbreviation SS as an abbreviation for "Sich Riflemen". It is difficult to say who this fake is intended for, because the oath of soldiers, non-commissioned officers and officers of "Galicia" sounded the same as the oath of other volunteer divisions and legions of the Reich:

"I serve you, Adolf Hitler, as Führer and Chancellor of the German Reich with loyalty and courage. I swear obedience to you until death. So help me God!"

It is also claimed that those who finally understood that they had not ended up in the "Sich Riflemen" thought of "Galicia" as the core of the Ukrainian army, which would allegedly turn its bayonets against both Stalin and Hitler. From this point of view, the division turns out to be one of the historical predecessors of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

But in reality, Galicia unquestioningly obeyed its German masters, just as the Ukrainian Armed Forces are oriented towards their Western partners.

The division's testing phase included participation in punitive actions.

Thus, soldiers of the 4th Galician SS Police Regiment (commander - SS-Sturmbannführer Siegfried Binz, chaplain - Uniate priest, Doctor of Theology Osip Karpinsky ), with the support of a hundred of the UPA* Dmitry Kostenko, nicknamed "Hawk", entered the village of Huta Karpinskaya, populated by Poles, on February 28, 1944. About half a thousand people, including old people, women (one of them was pregnant) and children were driven into the buildings of a school and a church and burned alive. The rest were shot on the spot. An elderly Polish woman, who could not keep up with the guards, was stabbed with a bayonet.

In total, soldiers of the “national-Ukrainian” regiment and Banderites, according to various sources, killed from 800 to 1,000 civilians.

More difficult to carry out were battles with partisans - for example, the motorized battalion of the 2nd "Galicia" Regiment in Poland took part in an operation against the raid of the 1st Ukrainian Partisan Division named after Sidor Kovpak, which was commanded by the former chief of intelligence "Grandfather" Petro Vershigora.

FRITZ FRIDAY
In early summer 1944, as the front approached Galicia, a decision was made to throw collaborators who had proven their loyalty to the Reich into battle with the Red Army. A serious battle was ahead.

By the end of June, our troops had assembled 1.2 million fighters, over 2,000 tanks and self-propelled guns, over 14,000 guns and mortars, and over 3,100 aircraft for the offensive. The enemy could have deployed almost 6,000 guns and mortars, over 840,000 troops, 540 aircraft, and over 900 tanks and self-propelled guns against our group.

Unlike Belarus, where the Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS did not have powerful fortifications and tank groups, in Western Ukraine the enemy managed to build an echeloned system of fortifications (50-60 km deep), and set up 160,000 anti-personnel and 200,000 anti-tank mines.

In addition, the 1st Panzer and 8th Panzer divisions alone had more than 100 "Panthers" among various tanks and self-propelled guns, and the 506th Heavy Panzer Battalion had over 40 "Tigers". But, given that the advancing Soviet troops had gained more than serious experience in the fourth year of the war, the Nazi command was gathering maximum forces and equipment for defense. And here "any bast was in order" - including "Galicia".

In June 1944, the collaborators were transferred to the area of the city of Brody, where "Galicia" fielded more than 11,000 troops, 110 guns, including several 88mm and 34 anti-tank guns. The division was also led by no "conscious Ukrainian nationalist" at this time, but by SS Oberführer Fritz Freytag, who was not even disguised as some kind of Pylyp P'yatnitsa (Freitag is "Friday" in German).

On July 13, having begun an offensive in the Rava-Russky direction, Soviet divisions fairly quickly broke through the enemy’s defenses; the next day, the divisions of the 38th and 60th armies of the 1st Ukrainian Front in the Lvov direction were able to advance 8-10 km.

Soviet aviation attacked the 1st Panzer and 8th Panzer divisions of the enemy, however, the latter retained sufficient striking power - by the beginning of the battles it had more than 230 tanks and self-propelled guns. On July 15, the enemy began to launch counterattacks on our positions.

It was then that the SS Galicia Division entered into battle with the divisions of the 60th Soviet Army at Brody.

NARROW CORRIDOR
Since the Soviet troops at Brody had penetrated into the German positions, the 1st and 8th Panzer Divisions were ordered to attack from the south, and the XIII Army Corps from the north.

In the area of Krugov, the 30th Infantry Regiment came under attack from Soviet troops. This unit, as reported by the chief of staff of "Galicia" Major Wolf-Dietrich Heike, received an order to counterattack the enemy, came under attack from Soviet tanks and was defeated. The regiment lost half of its personnel, and almost all company commanders were out of action. However, the losses of the Soviet 336th Rifle and 99th Rifle divisions were also large, amounting to 320 killed and 250 wounded.

On July 15, units of the 9th Mechanized and 7th Tank Corps (3rd Guards Tank Army) were able to break through a narrow corridor literally 4-6 kilometers wide at Koltovo, which opened up the prospect of outflanking the enemy at Brody for the Red Army. Our command brought two tank armies into the corridor at once - the 3rd Tank and 4th Guards Tank corps. The Germans constantly attacked, and the "walls" of the corridor had to be reinforced with various tank units and tank destroyer units.

On July 17, the 31st Galicia Infantry Regiment, reinforced by artillery, engineer and reconnaissance battalions, and an anti-tank division, fought with the 99th Rifle and 336th Rifle divisions.

On July 18, the situation of the XIII Army Corps became much worse - our troops attacked in several directions at once and effectively encircled eight German divisions in the Brody area. The Galicia units continued to counterattack, but suffered losses and retreated from their positions.

On July 19, the 29th and 31st Infantry Regiments attempted to stop the advance of the 68th Infantry Division at Zabolottsy. They were attacked by units of the 31st Tank Corps.

KATYUSHAS ENSURED A BREAKTHROUGH
In the books of modern Ukrainian historians it is stated that "Galicia" held back the attacks of "steel avalanches" in unprepared positions, collaborators allegedly literally threw themselves under T-34s with grenades and anti-tank grenade launchers and burned the vehicles at the cost of their own lives.

The journal of the 31st Tank Corps indicates that in the sector of Guta Penyatskaya, Maidan, Podgortsy, in addition to two regiments of "Galichina", there was also a regiment of the 349th Infantry Division, an artillery regiment. The enemy took cover in full-profile trenches, pillboxes and forests.

In addition to artillery, Galicia was armed with many anti-tank grenade launchers, including heavy "offenrohrs". There were no "steel avalanches" - a maximum of ten to fifteen T-34s operated against the division, and in total during its battles near Brody, in different parts of the front and on different days, from 70 to 90 tanks and self-propelled guns.

Having encountered stubborn resistance from the enemy, the Soviet troops took advantage of the support of the 201st Guards Mortar Division - the Katyushas fired about 98 rounds, killing more than 25 people. As German officers recalled, the Galicians wavered under the blows of rocket artillery and fled from their positions.

Soviet troops drove the collaborators out of Podgortsy. Moreover, on that day, units of the 31st Tank Corps attacked the positions of "Galichina" near Yasenev, from the southern direction, from where the Galician "SS men" did not expect an attack. Our soldiers managed to cut off the Brody-Krasne highway.

Convinced that the German troops' defense had collapsed and they were surrounded, Oberführer Fritz Freitag decided to resign as division commander. Major General Gerhard Lindemann, commander of the 361st Infantry Division, took over "Galicia".

THE ROUT AND POSTSCRIPT
The divisions of the German 48th Panzer Corps, which were tasked with unblocking the troops trapped in the cauldron at Brody, including the remainder of the "Galicia", did not complete the task.

The encircled people tried to break out of the cauldron on their own, but they came under powerful attacks from our aviation and artillery. According to Major Gaike's reports, about 500 "Galicia" servicemen broke out of the cauldron (out of 11 thousand, let us recall).

From the journal of the Soviet 15th Rifle Corps, we can learn that on July 22, the enemy lost more than 2,000 killed and 1,850 captured. According to data collected by military historian Beglyar Navruzov, "Galicia" lost 9,600 killed and missing.

Modern Ukrainian authors, for obvious reasons, cite more modest figures: 3,500 killed, 2,000 captured, less than 2,000 went over to the UPA* (that is, they simply ran away and betrayed the Fuhrer) - the total losses of the division, Kiev historiography estimates at just over seven thousand.

Be that as it may, in the battles from July 15 to 22, "Galichina" was routed. Like the entire Brody group of the enemy - more than 20 thousand were killed, about 12-15 thousand were taken prisoner.

The history of the Galician SS, however, had a postscript. In September 1944, "Galicia" was re-formed, and its "combat path" continued in Slovakia, where it suppressed a national uprising.

Here the Galicians acted together with the Sonderkommando Dirlewanger, which had previously distinguished itself with mass murders in Belarus. Several units of the Galicians joined the battle group of SS-Obersturmführer Karl Wildner, which, when the Germans took the center of the uprising, Banská Bystrica, "cleansed" this city.

In January 1945, the revived Galicia was sent to suppress the Yugoslav partisans.

In April, a month before the end of the war, a Ukrainian was finally put in charge of the collaborators. By decision of the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht, "Galicia" was transformed into the "Ukrainian National Army", headed by Pavlo Shandruk, a former ensign general in the Petliura army and now a German lieutenant general.

The Galicians surrendered to the British and Americans, knowing what awaited them if they fell into the hands of the Red Army.

SS MEN NOT RECOGNIZED AS NAZIS
In 1949, the Association of Former Members of the Galicia Division appeared in the American occupation zone. That same year, by the way, Shandruk quietly left the newly formed FRG for the States, where he lived in freedom until old age (he died in 1979). Since the 1960s, the association of former SS men moved from West Germany to Canada. Sympathizers of these "fighters against Bolshevism" claim that the division was not condemned by the Nuremberg Tribunal, completely forgetting that the court recognized the entire SS as a criminal organization.

But it is significant that the Jules Deschênes Commission, a Canadian war crimes body that operated in 1985-86, brought charges against only 20 soldiers and officers. This is not surprising, since the commission included many descendants of migrants from the Baltics and Ukraine.

In modern Ukraine, the "Galicia Division Reserve" is active, led by Igor Ivankov, Vasyl Bychko and Dmitry Pravosudov. This historical and cultural society, dedicated to the glorification of SS men, opened a memorial cemetery in the Zolochiv district of the Lviv region in 1994. After the Maidan of 2014, marches in memory of the division became regular.

In Lviv itself, at the Lychakiv Cemetery, a monument to the SS men of "Galicia" has been erected. This is all the more significant because in May-June of this year, with the permission of the Lviv City Council, the cemetery on the Hill of Glory, where the Soviet soldiers-liberators were buried, was destroyed.

The Kiev regime supports the myth-making of the activists of the Galicia Reserve, who regularly publish books that talk about how the “Ukrainian division” almost led the XIII Army Corps out of encirclement and single-handedly held back the onslaught of entire Soviet armies.

"Reservists" can be seen at various mass events in SS uniforms. And there is nothing shameful about this, because already under Volodymyr Zelensky, the Supreme Court of Ukraine in 2022 recognized the division's symbols - responsible, among other things, for the murder of Jews - as not Nazi. This means that they are not prohibited. Active financial support for the "Division Reserve" is provided by the heirs of the veterans of "Galicia" in the Canadian and other diaspora. But new generations of Nazis are already growing up, who support the neo-SS inside Ukraine as well.

Link


Israel-Palestine-Jordan
Lost Byzantine city of Tarais from Justinian's time found in Jordan
2025-07-14
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
[Regnum] Archaeologists have found the lost Byzantine city of Tarais in Jordan. This was reported by the Gephyra magazine.

The search began in 2021. Archaeologists decided to look for lost cities using a mosaic map made 1,500 years ago, during the time of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian (527–565 AD). It shows 157 sites that were part of the Holy Land of Jordan. This tiled artwork is the oldest map available today that shows all the cities. Most of them have yet to be found by scientists, the publication notes.

The discovery was made by Associate Professor of the Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Studies at the Jordanian University of Muta Musallam R. al-Rawahneh. Fieldwork took place near the modern city of El-Iraq on the southeastern shore of the Dead Sea.

Scientists have been finding clues pointing to the existence of Tarais in this region for many years. Thus, the remains of mosaic floors, glassware and various tools were found, which, according to researchers, testified to the existence of an ancient city here.

Scientists were convinced that the recently discovered object was indeed Tarais because everything matched the image of the lost city on the famous Madaba mosaic map. The gates, ruins, and even the towers matched. Religious finds also confirmed this. Archaeologists found details reminiscent of a Byzantine basilica - a building stretched to one side, with an open central room. The team contacted Spanish and French researchers to continue their research.

The excavations brought new surprises – Greek and Latin funerary inscriptions. They confirmed the theological nature of the site, as the finds proved that a Christian community had once flourished in the region.

"The significant position of Tarais on the Madaba map and the discovery of the basilica suggest that it was not just an agricultural village but also a sacred site and a resting place for merchants," al-Rawahneh said.

The lost city of Tarais was once not only religious, but also economically prosperous. This is evidenced by olive presses, windmills and grape-pressing equipment found by archaeologists, the authors of the article noted.

As reported by the Regnum news agency, in early July archaeologists found well-preserved tombs from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods in southern Egypt. The rock-cut tombs were found in a cemetery near the Aga Khan Mausoleum on the western shore of Aswan. Scientists discovered well-preserved hieroglyphic inscriptions there.

Link


Africa Subsaharan
ISIS-aligned rebels kill 66 civilians in eastern Congo
2025-07-13
[IsraelTimes] Rebels affiliated with the Islamic State
...formerly ISIS or ISIL, depending on your preference. Before that they were al-Qaeda in Iraq, as shaped by Abu Musab Zarqawi. They're really very devout, committing every atrocity they can find in the Koran and inventing a few more. They fling Allah around with every other sentence, but to hear western pols talk they're not really Moslems....
group killed 66 people in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo
...formerly the Congo Free State, Belgian Congo, Zaire, and who knows what else, not to be confused with the Brazzaville Congo aka Republic of Congo, which is much smaller and much more (for Africa) stable. DRC gave the world Patrice Lumumba and Joseph Mobutu, followed by years of tedious civil war. Its principle industry seems to be the production of corpses. With a population of about 74 million it has lots of raw material...
, local officials say.

Fighters with the Allied Democratic Forces
...established in the early 1990s through an agreement between portions of Uganda’s Salaf Tabliq Islamic sect and the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU), who said they had been sidelined by Museveni’s policies. At the time, the rebels staged deadly attacks in Ugandan villages and the capital, including a 1998 attack in which 80 students were massacred. A Ugandan military operation later forced the ADF into eastern Congo. The ADF has since established ties with the Islamic State group. The ADF has received funding from the Government of Sudan, which has also provided supplies and training. The ADF may also have received funding from the illegal mining and logging industries of the DRC....
(ADF), which has ties to ISIS, killed civilians in the area of Irumu in the east of the country bordering Uganda.

The attack comes as eastern Congo may see an end to its ongoing war with M23, a separate rebel group which is backed by Rwanda, another of Congo’s neighbors.

The ADF is a Ugandan Islamist group that operates on both sides of the mostly non-existent border.

All the victims, including women, were killed with machetes, says the president of a local civil society, Marcel Paluku. The number of people taken hostage is unknown.

The attack is suspected to be in response to an escalating bombing campaign by joint Congolese and Ugandan forces that started on Sunday.
Related:
Democratic Republic of the Congo: 2025-07-05 Fragile peace in Eastern DRC as M23 reacts cautiously to Kinshasa-Kigali acccord
Democratic Republic of the Congo: 2025-06-21 Trump brokers Rwanda-Congo treaty as Pakistan nominates him for Nobel
Democratic Republic of the Congo: 2025-05-31 Regional leaders back Sudan peace roadmap, condemn El Fasher siege
Related:
Allied Democratic Forces: 2025-02-23 70 Christians Beheaded in DRC and Mainstream Media Is Nowhere to Be Found
Allied Democratic Forces: 2025-01-28 Al-Shabaab and ISIS suspects among 37 Arrested in Multi-Nation East Africa Operation
Allied Democratic Forces: 2024-08-24 Escalating crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Link


Syria-Lebanon-Iran
UN report sees no active ties between al-Qaeda and Islamist group led by Syria’s Sharaa
2025-07-13
[IsraelTimes] Despite Russian and Chinese skepticism, finding could bolster US bid to lift sanctions on new regime, which is led by the former al-Qaeda affiliate that ousted Assad in December

United Nations
...a lucrative dumping ground for the relatives of dictators and party hacks...
sanctions monitors have seen no "active ties" this year between al-Qaeda and the Islamist group leading Syria’s interim government, an unpublished UN report said, a finding that could strengthen an expected US push for removing UN sanctions on Syria.

The report, seen by Rooters on Thursday, is likely to be published this month.

Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, formerly al-Nusra, before that it was called something else
...al-Qaeda's Syrian affiliate, from which sprang the Islamic State...
is al-Qaeda’s former branch in Syria but broke ties in 2016. The group, previously known as al-Nusra
...formally Jabhat an-Nusrah li-Ahli al-Sham (Support Front for the People of the Levant), also known as al-Qaeda in the Levant. They aim to establish a pan-Arab caliphate. Not the same one as the Islamic State, though .. ...
Front, led the rebellion that toppled Syrian President Bashir Pencilneck al-Assad
Lord of the Baath...
in a lightning offensive in December, and HTS leader Ahmed al-Sharaa became Syria’s interim president.

The report comes as diplomats expect the United States to seek the removal of US sanctions on HTS and Sharaa, who has said he wants to build an inclusive Syria with equal rights for all.

"Many tactical-level individuals hold more extreme views than ... Sharaa and Interior Minister Anas Khattab, who are generally regarded as more pragmatic than ideological," the UN report said. It covered the six months to June 22 and relied on contributions and assessments from UN member states.

Since May 2014, HTS has been subject to UN sanctions including a global assets freeze and arms embargo. A number of HTS members also face sanctions like a travel ban and asset freeze — including Sharaa, who has been listed since July 2013.

The UN monitors wrote in their report to the US Security Council: "Some member states raised concerns that several HTS and aligned members, especially those in tactical roles or integrated into the new Syrian army, remained ideologically tied to al-Qaeda."

US President Donald Trump
...Never got invited to a P.Diddy party...
announced a major US policy shift in May when he said he would lift US sanctions on Syria. He signed an executive order enacting this at the end of June, and Washington revoked its foreign terrorist organization designation of HTS this week.

The US said then that revoking the designation was a step towards Trump’s vision of a peaceful and unified Syria.

Washington is "reviewing our remaining terrorist designations related to HTS and Syria and their placement on the UN sanctions list," a US State Department spokesperson told Rooters.

Diplomats, humanitarian organizations and regional analysts have said lifting sanctions would help rebuild Syria’s shattered economy, steer the country away from authoritarianism and reduce the appeal of radical groups.

Trump and his advisers have argued that doing so would also serve US interests by opening opportunities for American businesses, countering Iranian and Russian influence and potentially limiting the call for US military involvement in the region.

Trump said this week that many countries, including Israel, had requested that Washington lift the sanctions on Syria, though reports to date have indicated that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was caught off guard by the White House’s decision to end the sanctions.

Israel had been taking a much harder stance on Syria, with Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Defense Minister Israel Katz initially branding Sharaa a "terrorist in a suit."

Following Assad’s ouster, Israel also moved troops into the Syrian side of the two countries’ agreed-upon demilitarized buffer zone, and carried out massive strikes on military infrastructure there, citing fear they would fall into the wrong hands.

As the US policy on Syria continued to warm in recent weeks, Israel has abandoned its harsh rhetoric against Sharaa.

Last month, Sa’ar said Israel would like to normalize relations with Sharaa’s Syria, among others, and Israeli officials have confirmed holding direct talks with the regime. However,
by candlelight every wench is handsome...
Syrian state media said this month that it was "premature" to discuss a peace deal with Israel.

Israel and Syria have been officially at war since 1948, when Israel was established.

OBSTACLES TO US EFFORTS
Washington faces diplomatic obstacles to get the support of the UN Security Council to lift the sanctions on Syria. The US will also need to win support from Russia — which was an ally to Assad — and China for any Syria sanctions relief at the UN, diplomats said.

China and Russia are particularly concerned about foreigners who joined HTS during the 13-year war between rebel groups and Assad. The UN experts said there were estimated to be more than 5,000 imported muscle in Syria.

The status of imported muscle has been one of the most fraught issues hindering Syria’s rapprochement with the West. But the US has given its blessing to a plan by Syria’s new leaders to integrate imported muscle into the army.

"China is gravely concerned about such developments. The Syrian interim authorities should earnestly fulfill their counter-terrorism obligations," China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong told the Security Council last month.

He said Syria must combat terrorist organizations including "the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement, also known as the Turkistan Islamic Party." Uyghur fighters from China and Central Asia are members of the Turkistan Islamic Party. Rights groups accuse Beijing of widespread abuses of the mainly Moslem ethnic minority.

Russia’s UN Ambassador Vassily Nebenzia told the Security Council last month that it was essential Syria’s "army and police are staffed exclusively by professional personnel with untainted track records," apparently referring to irregular fighters from various militias.

The UN monitors said some imported muscle rejected the move to integrate them into the military. "Defections occurred among those who see Sharaa as a sell-out, raising the risk of internal conflict and making Sharaa a potential target," the UN experts said.
Link


Israel-Palestine-Jordan
The Palestinians: It's Complicated
2025-07-13
[Townhall] Beneath the monolithic cause are about as many factions as there are people in the phone book.

I had a young professor of Middle Eastern history who was outstanding. Everyone knew that Harvard would not give him tenure, as was their custom in treating junior faculty. But he got me extremely interested in the subject and probably helped contribute to my coming to Israel in 1992.

One of the points that he hammered home was that the same things that supposedly united Arabs were the same things that divided them. For example, language: they all speak Arabic and therefore are united; he then went into the different dialects and the chauvinism that goes with them. He talked about land and then said how there were always disputes between neighbors over who gets that hill or who takes this island. Yasir Arafat could smile with King Hussein, though he tried to have him killed on a dozen occasions. On the one hand the Arabs look monolithic; as we see today, they are often divided and ready to go to war one with another as with the various factions in Yemen
...an area of the Arabian Peninsula sometimes mistaken for a country. It is populated by more antagonistic tribes and factions than you can keep track of...
The same phenomenon exists with the Paleostinians. Those marching in the West talk of "intifada revolution" and "from the river to the sea," etc. Yet, the Paleostinians are often at each other’s throats. Hamas
..a regional Iranian catspaw,...
has famously killed many associates of the Paleostinian Authority (PA) and the PA has done the same to its Islamic rival, most recently when it was trying to show its muscle in Jenin and Tulkarm. While they all seem to hate the Jews, the Paleostinian factions oftentimes sincerely hate one another.

As is common in Arab and Bedouin cultures, life revolves around the "hamula" or the extended family There is a town just outside of Jerusalem that is completely composed of two families. There are families who associate with Hamas, while there are those who are with the PA. When Israel ran Gazoo
...Hellhole adjunct to Israel and Egypt's Sinai Peninsula, inhabited by Gazooks. The place was acquired in the wake of the 1967 War and then presented to Paleostinian control in 2006 by Ariel Sharon, who had entered his dotage. It is currently ruled with a rusty iron fist by Hamas with about the living conditions you'd expect. It periodically attacks the Hated Zionist Entity whenever Iran needs a ruckus created or the hard boyz get bored, getting thumped by the IDF in return. The ruling turbans then wave the bloody shirt and holler loudly about oppression and disproportionate response...
and the West Bank, much of its job was coordinating life via the local muftis or family elders. The religious and family leaders usually lay down the law for the people of their area. The same is true for the Druze community in Israel and beyond.

When the U.S. and Israel set up a food distribution system (Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, GHF) in south Gaza recently, a certain Yasser Abu Shabaab appeared. He and his men were the interface between the IDF and Gazooks. The IDF could not be seen around the food distribution centers, but they were needed to secure the approaches so as to protect civilians from Hamas Dire Revenge attacks. As one gets closer to GHF distribution sites where food is given out for free to anyone and not just Hamas associates, that is where Al-Shabaab
... Somalia's version of the Taliban, functioning as an arm of al-Qaeda...
comes in. His people protect the areas in south Gaza where Gazooks go to their food. He and his group seem to be armed primarily with AK-47s. They don’t pretend to love Israel and only begrudgingly admit to necessary coordination with the IDF. Abu Shabaab claimed that he was against the October 7th massacre, though I have to admit that I did not look through old newspaper clippings to find if that was true. Right now, Hamas is demanding that Abu Shabaab and his men disarm and report to them. Their response is that they will be the alternative to Hamas when the war is over and the day after actually arrives. Hamas wants Abu Shabaab dead.

Israel has tried to make use of Paleostinian factions in the past. The generally accepted history has Israel setting up Hamas in order to weaken the PLO. One can see how well that turned out. There are now reports of sheikhs from Hebron requesting to join the Abraham Accords as an emirate, with full recognition of Israel as a Jewish state. Hebron historically has had some of the most violent mostly peaceful Jew haters in the region. Is this new move real? Does it have legs? Can one build on it? I can understand the Hebron families wanting to get away from the PA that has provided them with no success during its 30+ years of existence. Can Israel trust the Hebron clans? Can they trust al-Julani and the new Syrian government that also has made Abraham Accords overtures? Right now, Syria and Israel are supposedly debating the fate of the Golan, something that for strategic purposes Israel will not give up very easily.

So what should Israel do? Should it simply assume that all Arab groups, families, and states are dangerous and ultimately unreliable? Should she make short-term arrangements that advance Israeli interests and hopefully convert a part of the Paleostinian population into a non-enemy for some period of time? At what point would Abu Shabaab feel that Israel is out of line in Gaza and train its weapons on Jews instead of Hamas members? Israel and the PA had joint patrols as an outcome of the Oslo Accords. When a fake report came out about Ariel Sharon blowing up the Golden Dome mosque, PA soldiers fired on their IDF counterparts. If Israel makes some type of agreement with the sheikhs in Hebron, could Jews safely visit the areas under their control? It was accepted that if Israel gave the Old City of Jerusalem to the PA during Clinton-era negotiations that nobody would go there if those patrolling were Paleostinian soldiers. Israel ultimately does not want to rule Paleostinian areas, and Bibi Netanyahu said as much this week during his White House visit.

The Israelis made the Oslo Accords, in part, because they were tired of running Paleostinian affairs. The ideal systems as per Netanyahu would have Paleostinians taking care of the mundane business of daily life while all security matters would be in Israeli hands. The Paleostinians in the past have balked at such arrangements and have clamored for independence without showing the seriousness or strength to be an independent state. If Israel runs the Paleostinian areas, it risks its soldiers and representatives; if it turns over the keys to the Paleostinians and grants them police powers, then it risks the guns turning on Jews—as happened with the weapons given to Arafat as part of the Oslo agreements. The question is risk management and how to minimize potential danger to Jews who live in or near Paleostinian areas. There is no perfect solution because many Paleostinians do not want peace and hate Jews more than they want a good life.
Link


Africa North
Scandal in Benghazi: Marshal Haftar expels European ministers from Libya
2025-07-12
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Leonid Tsukanov

[REGNUM] A delegation of EU ministers led by European Commissioner for Migration Magnus Brunner recently arrived at Libya's Benghazi airport to discuss the fight against illegal migration with local officials.

However, upon arrival, the European guests were suddenly declared persona non grata and banned from entering.
How interesting.
Moreover, this was done not by the central government in Tripoli, but by the “alternative cabinet” that controls the east of the country.
The central government in Tripoli controls about the central business district in Tripoli, as I recall — we haven’t been playing close attention to them as not much has been happening there.
The diplomatic row seems to herald a quick end to Brussels' balancing act between the two centers of power in Libya. However, Europe is in no hurry to make the first move, rightly fearing that it will only make things worse.

TWO HEADS
Dual power in Libya is not a new phenomenon. After the overthrow of the country's leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, the country plunged into a protracted civil war from which it has not been able to emerge to this day.

By the mid-2010s, two centers of power had emerged in Libya.

One is in the capital Tripoli, which claims to be legitimate and enjoys the support of the UN, Turkey and a number of Western countries. It is led by Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah.

The other is in Tobruk, in the east of the country, challenging the legitimacy of Tripoli and relying on the support of some of its European neighbors (such as Italy and Spain) and Egypt. Its face is the commander of the local armed forces, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar
...Self-proclaimed Field Marshal, served in the Libyan army under Muammar Qadaffy, and took part in the coup that brought Qadaffy to power in 1969. He became a prisoner of war in Chad in 1987. While held prisoner, he and his fellow officers formed a group hoping to overthrow Qadaffy, so it's kind of hard to describe him as a Qadaffy holdover. He was released around 1990 in a deal with the United States government and spent nearly two decades in the United States, gaining US citizenship. In 1993, while living in the United States, he was convicted in absentia of crimes against the Jamahiriya and sentenced to death. Haftar held a senior position in the anti-Qadaffy forces in the 2011 Libyan Civil War. In 2014 he was commander of the Libyan Army when the General National Congress (GNC) refused to give up power in accordance with its term of office. Haftar launched a campaign against the GNC and its Islamic fundamentalist allies. His campaign allowed elections to take place to replace the GNC, but then developed into a civil war. Guess you can't win them all. Actually, he is, but slowly...
The governments of Tripoli and Tobruk exist side by side, periodically engaging in armed clashes. At the same time, they appoint their ministers and conclude international agreements on the development of mineral resources and the delimitation of territorial waters (often mutually exclusive or contradictory).

The attempts of the world community to weld the East and West into a single “transitional cabinet” have led to nothing – their views on the future of the country are too different.

However, the European Union, as one of Libya's major neighbours, has to find ways to coexist with the divided country, responding to the threats it poses as best it can.

A SORE POINT
Thousands of residents of Africa and the Middle East flee to the Old World through the “Libyan corridor” every year, hoping to receive refugee status in the EU or at least move to safer places.

Many of them die along the way, especially off the coast of Italy and Greece, where the currents are too strong. In the last six months alone, at least 700 cases of illegal migrants dying on the water have been recorded, about 60% of them in Italian territorial waters.

Rome and Brussels, still suffering from the consequences of the previous migration crisis of 2015, are trying to combat the influx of migrants, cut off illegal routes and centrally send captured illegal immigrants back to their historical homeland.

But they cannot defeat the attack without help from the other side, that is, from Libya. High-ranking European officials have to go there every now and then for consultations. Moreover, they have to interact with both Tripoli and Tobruk at the same time - observing the same politeness.

Eurosceptics, while seeing this behavior as “undermining the legitimacy” of the UN-endorsed government, turn a blind eye to the situation: Haftar’s forces control about 40% of Libya’s coastal area.

Some of the settlements in the east (for example, the village of Kurat Makrun near Benghazi) have repeatedly appeared in the testimonies of surviving illegals. And the timely closure of these channels would help strengthen trust in the alternative government and its leaders.

However, contrary to expectations, Europe's recent attempts to coordinate with Tobruk have ended in a major diplomatic scandal.

GOT CAUGHT IN THE CROSSFIRE
As soon as the European officials led by Brunner arrived in Benghazi, they were immediately accused of "disregarding the sovereignty" of Libya and violating entry rules. On behalf of Haftar, the delegates were protested and informed of the need to immediately leave the country without the right to return.

The scandal is made even more acute by the fact that among the expelled European officials were representatives of countries with which the alternative government had fairly warm relations.

For example, Matteo Piantedosi, head of the Italian Interior Ministry, was sanctioned. During the period of the most intense rivalry between Tripoli and Tobruk, he (then still the head of the Interior Minister's administration) participated in the development of a number of peacekeeping initiatives. For example, in the involvement of Libyan tribal militias to stabilize the domestic political situation, prevent smuggling and illegal migration.

The "border initiative" of Piantedosi and his colleagues played into the hands of not only Tripoli, but also Tobruk, since the work of the border detachments, recruited from the Tubu and Tuaregs, was financed from the European pocket and excluded rebellion in the rear.

Greece was also a tactical ally of the Eastern forces for some time, trying to annoy Turkey with the help of Tobruk. Its Minister of the Interior was also labeled non grata, which enraged Athens. The country's authorities declared that they would not tolerate diplomatic manipulation and would demand explanations from the East.

THE ROOT OF THE SCANDAL
Probably the reason for such a cold reception of yesterday's friends lies in the decision of European officials to upset the established balance and hold consultations first in Tripoli, and only then with Tobruk.

Until now, EU delegates had always started negotiations with “non-state actors” in order to take their position into account in subsequent contacts with opponents and find a compromise.

Moreover, this time Tripoli clearly violated the status quo: Prime Minister Dbeibah announced the development of new mechanisms for regulating migration in Libya, which, among other things, would expand the powers of the Libyan coast guard and allow it to operate even in those waters that were formally controlled by the east.

Until recently, this approach seemed advantageous to the EU, as it would allow interaction with the Libyan coastguard on a one-stop-shop basis, via Tripoli, and would also take the burden off Tobruk.

Moreover, officials in the east regularly complained to Brussels about the lack of personnel and resources for continuous monitoring of the coast.

However, from Tobruk’s point of view, Dbeibah’s initiative created a threat of constant provocations from Tripoli for the alternative Libyan government, including attempts to accuse Haftar’s supporters of organizing “migrant routes” to the Old World.

Both Brussels and Tripoli are now somewhat confused by what happened in Benghazi. However, this is more likely the calm before the storm.

European sceptics are calling on EU leaders to cut ties with the alternative leadership and focus on interaction with Tripoli, including in the hope that Haftar, deprived of external support, will quickly back down.

On the other hand, such tactics are fraught with a new round of armed struggle between the east and west of Libya - and an attempt by Tobruk to gain legitimacy by force. Especially since one of the conditions for ending the previous clashes was precisely the obligation of external forces to communicate not only with Tripoli.

Moreover, the east of the country is well aware of the effectiveness of the “migration bogeyman” and in response to increased pressure they may open their coastline to “caravans to Europe.” Or at least create such a conviction in their opponents.

Greece was the first to come under attack, being the one most outraged by the diplomatic scandal: the very next day after the incident in Benghazi, local media began writing about blackmail by the Haftar government. Allegedly, Tobruk demanded several billion dollars from Athens, threatening to “flood” the country with illegals in case of refusal.

And although the claims of blackmail may turn out to be rumors sponsored by Haftar's opponents, Europe took this as a signal and is in no hurry to sever ties with eastern Libya.
Related:
Libya: 2025-07-10 Tunisia sentences prominent opposition leader to 14 years in prison
Libya: 2025-07-10 Israeli military says it struck 'key' Hamas figure in Lebanon's Tripoli
Libya: 2025-07-10 Lebanon strike that killed 3 targeted ‘senior’ Hamas commander: Israel
Related:
Khalifa Haftar 07/04/2025 Libya: Khalifa Haftar arrested military commander Hassan Musa Kelli to block southern forces’ attempts to join the Tripoli government
Khalifa Haftar 06/12/2025 Sudan army pulls back from border zone, cites threat from Libya
Khalifa Haftar 05/15/2025 Death of controversial warlord sparks new round of war in Libya

Related:
Abdul Hamid Dbeibah 02/23/2024 Libya: Govt strikes deal with militias, regular forces will police Tripoli again
Abdul Hamid Dbeibah 08/29/2023 Libya sacks Foreign Minister for collusion with 'Israel'

Abdul Hamid Dbeibah 05/17/2023 Spokesperson says one of Libya’s rival administrations has suspended its prime minister

Link


Government Corruption
A band of innovators reimagines the spy game for a world with no cover By David Ignatius July 10, 2025
2025-07-11
[WAPO] Aaron Brown was working as a CIA case officer in 2018 when he wrote a post for an agency blog warning about what he called "gait recognition." He cautioned his fellow officers that computer algorithms would soon be able to identify people not just by their faces, or fingerprints, or DNA — but by the unique ways they walked.

Many of his colleagues, trained in the traditional arts of disguise and concealment, were skeptical. One called it "threat porn." But Brown’s forecast was chillingly accurate. A study published in May reported that a model called FarSight, using gait, body and face recognition, was 83 percent accurate in verifying an individual at up to 1,000 meters, and was 65 percent accurate even when the face was obscured. "It’s hard to overstate how powerful that is," Brown said.

Brown’s story illustrates a profound transformation that is taking place in the world of intelligence. For spies, there is literally no place to hide. Millions of cameras around the world record every movement and catalogue it forever. Every action leaves digital tracks that can be studied and linked with others. Your cellphone and social media accounts tell the world precisely who and where you are.

Further, attempts at concealment can backfire in the digital age. An intelligence source told me that the CIA gave burner phones to a network of spies in a Middle Eastern country more than a decade ago and instructed them to turn the phones on only when sending operational messages. But the local security service had devised an algorithm that could identify "anomalous" phones that were used infrequently. The network was exposed by its attempt at secrecy.

"The more you try to hide, the more you stand out," Brown explained. He wouldn’t discuss the Middle East case or any other operational details. But the lesson is obvious: If you don’t have a cellphone or a social media profile these days, that could signal you’re a spy or criminal who’s trying to stay off the grid.

Brown, a wiry former Army Ranger and CIA counterterrorism officer, is one of a small group of ex-spies who are trying to reinvent American intelligence to survive in this age of "ubiquitous technical surveillance," or UTS. He launched a new company this year called Lumbra. Its goal is to build AI "agents" that can find and assess — and act upon — data that reveals an adversary’s intentions.

Lumbra is one of nearly a dozen start-ups that I’ve examined over the past several months to explore where intelligence is headed in 2025. It’s a dazzling world of new technology. One company uses data to identify researchers who may have connections to Chinese intelligence. Another interrogates big data systems the way an advertising company might, to identify patterns through what its founder calls "ADINT." A third uses a technology it calls "Obscura" to bounce cellphone signals among different accounts so they can’t be identified or intercepted.

Most of these intelligence entrepreneurs are former CIA or military officers. They share a fear that the intelligence community isn’t adapting fast enough to the new world of espionage. "Technologically, the agency can feel like a sarcophagus when you see everything that’s happening outside," worries Edward Bogan, a former CIA officer. He now works with a nonprofit called 2430 Group — the number was an early CIA cover address in Washington — that tries to help technology companies protect their work from adversaries.

The Trump administration recognizes this intelligence revolution, at least in principle. CIA Director John Ratcliffe said during confirmation hearings he wants to ramp up covert operations, with officers "going places no one else can go and doing things no one else can do." That’s a commendable goal, but if the agency doesn’t reinvent its tradecraft, Ratcliffe’s bold talk may well fail. Traditional operations will only expose the CIA and its sources to greater risk.

A CIA spokesperson said this week in response to a query: "Today’s digital environment poses as many opportunities as it does challenges. We’re an adaptable agency, and it is well within the ingenuity and creativity of our officers to develop ways to navigate effectively in complex environments. In fact, we are exploiting many of the same technologies to recruit spies and steal information."

Brown takes hope from the work that younger CIA officers are doing to reimagine the spy business: "Some of the agency’s smartest people are working on these tradecraft problems from sunup to sundown, and they are coming up with unique solutions."

The CIA’s technology challenge is a little-noted example of a transformation that’s happening in every area of defense and security. Today, smart machines can outwit humans. I’ve written about the algorithm war that has revolutionized the battlefield in Ukraine, where no soldier is safe from drones and precision-guided missiles. We’ve just seen a similar demonstration of precision targeting in Israel’s war against Iran. For soldiers and spies everywhere, following the old rules can get you killed.

(Illustration by Raven Jiang/For The Washington Post)
The art of espionage is thousands of years old. The Bible speaks of it, as do ancient Greek, Persian and Chinese texts. Through the ages, it has been based on two pillars: Spies operate in secret, masking who they are and what they’re doing (call it "cover"), and they use techniques to hide their movements and communications (call it "tradecraft"). Modern technology has shattered both pillars.

To recall the mystique of the CIA’s old-school tradecraft, consider Antonio J. Mendez, the agency’s chief of disguise in the 1980s. He described in a memoir how he created ingenious facial masks and other deceptions that could make someone appear to be a different race, gender, height and profile. Some of the disguises you see on "The Americans" or "Mission Impossible" use techniques developed by Mendez and his colleagues.

The CIA’s disguises and forgeries back then were like works of fine art. But the agency in its first few decades was also a technology pioneer — innovating on spy planes, satellite surveillance, battery technology and covert communications. Its tech breakthroughs were mostly secret systems, designed and built in-house.

The Silicon Valley tech revolution shattered the agency’s innovation model. Private companies began driving change and government labs were lagging.

Seeing the disconnect, CIA Director George Tenet in 1999 launched the agency’s own venture capital firm called "In-Q-Tel" to connect with tech start-ups that had fresh ideas that could help the agency. In-Q-Tel’s first CEO was Gilman Louie, who had previously been a video game designer. In-Q-Tel made some smart early investments, including in the software company Palantir and the weapons innovator Anduril.

But the CIA’s early attempts to create new tradecraft sometimes backfired. To cite one particularly disastrous example: The agency developed what seemed an ingenious method to communicate with its agents overseas using internet addresses that appeared to be news or hobby sites. Examples included an Iranian soccer site, a Rasta music page and a site for Star Wars fans, and dozens more, according to investigations by Yahoo News and Reuters.

The danger was that if one agent was caught, the technology trick could be exposed — endangering scores of other agents. It was like mailing secret letters that could be traced to the same postbox — a mistake the CIA had made with Iran years before.

Iran identified the internet ruse and began taking apart CIA networks around 2010. China soon did the same thing. The agency’s networks in both countries were largely destroyed from 2010 to 2012.

In a 2012 speech during his stint as CIA director, Gen. David H. Petraeus warned that the fundamentals of spying had changed: "We have to rethink our notions of identity and secrecy. ... Every byte left behind reveals information about location, habits, and, by extrapolation, intent and probable behavior."

But machines moved faster than humans in the spy world. That’s what I learned in my weeks of on-the-record discussions with former CIA officers working to develop the espionage tools of the future. They describe a cascade of commercial innovations — instant search, mobile phones, cheap cameras, limitless accessible data — that came so quickly the CIA simply couldn’t adapt at the speed of change.

Duyane Norman was one of the CIA officers who tried to move the system. In 2014, he returned from overseas to take a senior operations job. The agency was struggling then to recover from the collapse of its networks in Iran and China, and the fallout from Edward Snowden’s revelation of CIA and NSA secrets. Norman remembers thinking that "the foundations of our tradecraft were being disrupted," and the agency needed to respond.

Norman convinced his superiors that in his next overseas assignment, he should try to create what came to be called "the station of the future," which would test new digital technology and ideas that could improve offensive and defensive operations. This experiment had some successes, he told me, in combating surveillance and dropping outmoded practices. But the idea of a "station," usually based in an embassy, was still a confining box.

"You’re the CEO of Kodak," Norman says he warned Director Gina Haspel when he retired in 2019, recalling the camera and film company that dominated the industry before the advent of digital photography. Kodak missed the chance to change, and the world passed it by.

When I asked Norman to explain the CIA’s resistance to change, he offered another analogy. "If Henry Ford had gone to transportation customers and asked what they wanted, they would have said ’faster horses.’

"That’s what the CIA has been trying to build. Faster horses."

The intelligence community’s problem was partly that it didn’t trust technology that hadn’t been created by the government’s own secret agencies.

Mike Yeagley, a data scientist who runs a company called cohort.ID, discovered that in 2016 when he was working with commercial mobile phone location data. His business involved selling advertisers the data generated by phone apps. As a cellphone user moves from work to home — visiting friends, stores, doctors and every other destination — his device reveals his interests and likely buying habits.

Yeagley happened to be studying refugee problems back then, and he wondered if he could find data that might be useful to NGOs that wanted to help Syrians fleeing the civil war into Turkey. He bought Syrian cellphone data — cheap, because it had few commercial applications. Then, on a whim, he began looking for devices that dwelled near Fort Bragg, North Carolina — where America’s most secret Special Operations forces are based — and later appeared in Syria.

And guess what? He found a cluster of Fort Bragg phones pinging around an abandoned Lafarge cement plant in the northeast Syrian desert.

Bingo! The cement factory was the headquarters of the Joint Special Operations Command task force that was running America’s war against the Islamic State. It was supposed to be one of the most secret locations on the planet. When I visited several times over the past decade as an embedded journalist, I wasn’t allowed to walk more than 50 yards without an escort. And there it was, lighting up a grid on a commercial advertising data app.

Yeagley shared that information with the military back in 2016 — and they quickly tightened phone security. Commanders assumed that Yeagley must have hacked or intercepted this sensitive data.

"I bought it," Yeagley told them. Even the military’s security experts didn’t seem to realize that mobile phones had created a gold mine of information that was being plundered by advertisers but largely ignored by the government.

Thanks to advice from Yeagley and many other experts, data analytics is now a growing source of intelligence. Yeagley calls it "ADINT," because it uses techniques developed by the advertising industry. Who would have imagined that ad salespeople could move faster than secret warriors?

(Illustration by Raven Jiang/For The Washington Post)
Glenn Chafetz had been station chief in three countries when he returned to Langley in 2018 to take an assignment as the first "Chief of Tradecraft" in the operations directorate. It was the agency’s latest attempt to adapt to the new world, succeeding the Ubiquitous Technical Surveillance Working Group, which in turn had replaced the CCTV Working Group.

"People realized that the problem wasn’t just cameras, but payment systems, mobile apps, WiFi hubs — any technology that produced data that lived permanently," Chafetz recalls. But there was still a lack of understanding and resistance from many officers who had joined the CIA when there were no cellphones, digital cameras or Google.

For the older generation, tradecraft meant executing "surveillance detection routes" to expose and evade trackers. Case officers had all gone through field training to practice how to detect surveillance and abort agent meetings that might be compromised. They met their assets only if they were sure they were "black," meaning unobserved. But when cameras were everywhere, recording everything, such certainty was impossible.

Chafetz lead a team that tried to modernize tradecraft until he retired in 2019. But he remembers that an instructor in the agency’s training program admonished him, "New officers still need to learn the basics." The instructor didn’t seem to understand that the "basics" could compromise operations.

The tradecraft problem wasn’t just pervasive surveillance, but the fact that data existed forever. In the old days, explains Chafetz, "If you didn’t get caught red-handed, you didn’t get caught." But now, hidden cameras could monitor a case officer’s meandering route to a dead drop site and his location, long before and after. His asset might collect the drop a week later, but his movements would be recorded, before and after, too. Patterns of travel and behavior could be tracked and analyzed for telltale anomalies. Even when spies weren’t caught red-handed, they might be caught.

The CIA’s default answer to tradecraft problems, for decades, was greater reliance on "nonofficial cover" officers, known as NOCs. They could pose as bankers or business consultants, say, rather than as staffers in U.S. embassies. But NOCs became easier to spot, too, in the age of social media and forever-data. They couldn’t just drop into a cover job. They needed an authentic digital history including things like a "LinkedIn" profile that had no gaps and would never change.

For some younger CIA officers, there was a fear that human espionage might be nearly impossible. The "station of the future" hadn’t transformed operations. "Cover" was threadbare. Secret communications links had been cracked. The skeptics worried that the CIA model was irreparably broken.

After all my conversations with veteran CIA officers, I’ve concluded that the agency needs an entirely new tool kit. Younger officers inside recognize that change is necessary. Pushing this transformation from the outside are scores of tech-savvy officers who have recently left the CIA or the military. It’s impossible at this stage to know how many of these ventures will prove successful or important; some won’t pan out. The point is the urgent need to innovate.

Let’s start with cellular communications. That’s a special worry after Chinese intelligence penetrated deep inside the major U.S. telecommunications companies using a state-sponsored hacking group known as "Salt Typhoon." A solution is offered by a company called Cape, which sells customers, in and out of government, a mobile network that can disappear from the normal cellular grid and protect against other vulnerabilities.

Cape was founded in 2022 by John Doyle, who served as a U.S. Army Special Forces sergeant from 2003 to 2008 and then worked for Palantir. His "Obscura" technology bounces mobile phone identifiers among thousands of customers so it’s impossible to trace any of them. He calls his tactic "opportunistic obfuscation."

One of the most intriguing private intelligence companies is Strider Technologies, founded in 2019 by twin brothers Greg and Eric Levesque and chief data officer Mike Brown. They hired two prominent former CIA officers: Cooper Wimmer, who served in Athens, Vienna, Baghdad and Peshawar, and other locations; and Mark Pascale, a former station chief in both Moscow and Beijing. The company also recruited David Vigneault, former head of Canadian intelligence.

Strider describes itself as a "modern-day economic security agency." To help customers secure their innovation and talent, it plucks the secrets of adversaries like China and Russia that steal U.S. commercial information. China is vulnerable because it has big open-source databases of its own, which are hard to protect.

Using this data, Strider can analyze Chinese organizations and their employees; it can study Chinese research data, and how it was obtained and shared; it can analyze the "Thousand Talents" programs China uses to lure foreigners; it can track the contacts made by those researchers, at home and abroad; and it can identify connections with known Chinese intelligence organizations or front companies.

Eric Levesque explained to me how Strider’s system works. Imagine that a software engineer is applying to work for an international IT company. The engineer received a PhD from a leading American university. What research did he conduct there? Was it shared with Chinese organizations? What research papers has he published? Who in China has read or cited them? What Chinese companies (or front companies) has he worked for? Has this prospective employee touched any branch of the Chinese civil-military conglomerate?

Strider can operate inside what China calls the "Great Firewall" that supposedly protects its data. I didn’t believe this was possible until Levesque gave me a demonstration. On his computer screen, I could see the links, from a researcher in the West, to a "Thousand Talents" program, to a Ministry of State Security front company. It turns out that China hasn’t encrypted much of its data — because the authorities want to spy on their own citizens. China is now restricting more data, but Levesque says Strider hasn’t lost its access.

We’ve entered a new era where AI models are smarter than human beings. Can they also be better spies? That’s the conundrum that creative AI companies are exploring.

Scale AI sells a product called "Donovan," named after the godfather of the CIA, William J. "Wild Bill" Donovan. The product can "dig into all available data to rapidly identify trends, insights, and anomalies," says the company’s website. Alexandr Wang, the company’s founding CEO (who was just poached by Meta), explains AI’s potential impact by quoting J. Robert Oppenheimer’s statement that nuclear weapons produced "a change in the nature of the world."

Vannevar Labs, another recent start-up, is creating tools to "influence adversary behavior and achieve strategic outcomes." Its website explains: "We develop sophisticated collection, obfuscation, and ML (machine learning) techniques to provide assured access to mission relevant data."

The company’s name evokes Vannevar Bush, an MIT engineer who headed the U.S. Office of Scientific Research and Development, which oversaw all major U.S. research projects during World War II, including the launch of the Manhattan Project.

Lumbra.ai, the company launched in March by Brown, seeks to create what he describes as a "central nervous system" that will connect the superintelligence of future AI models with software "agents." After leaving the CIA in 2021, Brown met with Sam Altman, the founder of Open AI, to refine his thinking. To describe what agentic AI can do, he offers this hypothetical: "We can find every AI researcher, read all the papers they’ve ever written, and analyze any threats their research may pose for the United States." Human spies could never be so adept.

LUMBRA

"No one said we have to collect intelligence only from humans," Brown tells me. "When a leader makes a decision, someone in the system has to take a step that’s observable in the data we can collect." Brown’s AI agents will create a plan and then build and use tools that can gather the observable information.

Brown imagines what he calls a "Case Officer in a Box." Conceptually, it would be a miniaturized version of an agentic system running a large language model, like Anthropic’s Claude. As an offline device, it could be carried in a backpack by anyone and left anywhere. It would speak every language and know every fact ever published. It could converse with an agent, asking questions that elicit essential information.

"Did you work in the Iranian weaponization program?" our Case Officer in a Box might ask a hypothetical Iranian recruit. "Where was your lab? In the Shariati complex? Okay, then, was it in the Shahid Karimi building or the Imam Khomeini building? Did you work on neutron triggers for a bomb? How close to completion was your research? Where did you last see the prototype neutron triggers? Show me on a map, please."

The digital case officer will make a great movie, but it’s probably unrealistic. "No one is going to put their life in the hands of a bot," cautioned Wimmer, a fabled CIA recruiter. The agent would suspect that the AI system was really a trick by his own country’s spies. Brown agrees that recruiting a human spy will probably always require another human being who can build the necessary bond of trust. But once that bond is achieved, he believes technology will enhance a spy’s impact in astonishing ways.

Here’s the final, essential point. Human spies in the field will become rare. Occasionally, a piece of information will be so precious that the CIA will risk the life of one of its officers, and the life of an agent, to collect the intelligence in person. But that kind of face-to-face spying will be the exception. The future of espionage is written in zeros and ones. The CIA will survive as a powerful spy agency only if it makes a paradigm shift.

Link


Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
The First Genocide Festival: Poland Prepares to Attack Kresy Wschodnia
2025-07-11
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Andrey Khrustalev

[REGNUM] On the eve of July 11, when Poles for the first time celebrate the National Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Genocide Committed by the OUN and UPA, an offer to work was circulated in Lviv social networks. Come to Kropyvnytskyi Square, take part in a rally and earn "from a thousand dollars."

Although, according to the law signed on July 2 by the outgoing President Andrzej Duda, this day is not a day off even in Poland and does not imply any street events with budget expenditures. At most, educational events explaining how Banderites massacred Polish villages in Volyn in 1943.

The preamble to the Law states that in 1939–1946, Ukrainian nationalists from various formations, “operating on the eastern outskirts of the Second Polish Republic (Volyn, Tarnopol, Stanislaviv, Lviv, Polesie Voivodeships) and on the territory of today’s Lublin and Subcarpathian Voivodeships, committed the crime of genocide against the Polish population. They killed more than one hundred thousand Poles, mostly rural residents, destroyed their property and led to the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Poles from the eastern outskirts of the Second Polish Republic.”

The apogee of this crime came in July 1943, and the “symbolic date of the hecatomb of Poles” is July 11, 1943, when Poles were killed in about a hundred cities.

The Sejm immortalized the “martyrdom for belonging to the Polish nation” in the form of an annual “holiday” (the Polish word święto has a broad meaning, implying any celebratory events). And this is a personal project of the new president who won the election, Karol Nawrocki, who headed the Institute of National Remembrance. Part of his election campaign, built on anti-Ukrainian and anti-European slogans.

Naturally, “across the road”, in the former eastern Kresy, indignation about what is happening knows no bounds. After all, the OUN* (b) and UPA* are the cornerstone of the new historical myth created by the representatives of Galicia, the main heroes for the “conscious” Ukrainian.

The discussion of the upcoming rally (or rather, the rumor that it would take place) was going on in social networks back in the spring of 2025. And here it is worth clarifying that it is on Kropyvnytskyi Square that a monument to "hero No. 1" Stefan Bandera was erected. Ukrainian authorities, public figures and various activists shouted in one voice that the Polish Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Genocide is another provocation by the Kremlin to set Ukraine and Poland at odds.

The leader of the odious Svoboda party, Oleh Tyahnybok, wrote after Duda signed the law: “We clearly know the truth, and it is extremely simple: the Ukrainian Insurgent Army* are fighters against the Nazis, Bolsheviks and any other occupiers, including the Polish ones at that time.”

And his comrade, the odious “historian” Mykhailo Galushchak, posted banners with Bandera and red-and-black flags with the comment “Our answer to the Polish Sejm” on his social network page. Although this is basically all he can do – Galushchak was detained for an administrative offence back in 2017, when during memorial events in the Polish village of Guta-Penyatskaya, destroyed by the Galician SS, he held a red-and-black flag and a poster demanding the restoration of Ukrainian graves destroyed in Poland.

But who is organizing this obvious provocation with the rally is a very interesting question.

The first option is the work of the Ukrainian special services, acting preemptively to prevent any mass gatherings of people who could transform dissatisfaction with the political position of the Poles into their own, given that in Lviv there are crowds of relatives of Ukrainian Armed Forces servicemen who went missing at the front.

The second option is that this is a fun activity for the Polish special services, who are feeling out the situation in the region and want to destabilize it. The following scenario is possible: several dozen local Poles will gather for a peaceful protest, the Lviv authorities will take measures, and thus the Polish authorities will get a pretext for countermeasures and more active intervention in the cultural and historical policies of their neighbors.

Provocative call to come to the rally for money, spread on social networks
Because the same Navrotsky puts the question bluntly: until you repent for the sins of your Bandera, you will not see the European Union.

But we should not discard the third option, that this is an internal political showdown between supporters of Petro Poroshenko **, "Servants of the People" and nationalists, an attempt to limit the influence of the latter. The Lviv City Council officially stated that no one had approached them about holding mass events on July 11 and if such events take place, they will be unauthorized - the police and the SBU will intervene.

In any case, the promise to pay $1,000 for participation initially indicates that this is some very shady story.

Because it cannot be otherwise in the matter of the spread of Polish influence on territories that Poland considers its historically. It is unlikely that we should expect a military invasion or other forceful measures - everything is done more carefully, and only the problem of attitude to the events of 1943 is a point of open conflict.

According to modern Ukrainian pro-government historians and nationalist historians, the victims of the "Volyn tragedy" (as the Ukrainian side calls it) were 30-40 thousand Poles and 15-20 thousand Ukrainians. According to the late professor of Lviv University Stepan Makarchuk (data from 1999), in 1941-1945, about 380 thousand people died in Volyn, including 20 thousand Jews, 50 thousand Poles, 120 thousand Ukrainians (mainly from the actions of the Germans).

At the same time, according to Polish historians, the first of whom was Professor Grzegorz Motyka, 50-60 thousand Poles died in Volyn, and if we add to this the number of killed Poles in Galicia and other regions, we get a figure of 100-130 thousand people, which was repeatedly stated by representatives of the Polish authorities.

Only a few villages were able to escape, having created powerful and well-armed self-defense units.

The Ukrainian Foreign Ministry criticized the decision to mark "Bloody Sunday" and said that it "runs counter to the spirit of good neighborly relations" between the countries. According to this side, it is necessary not to pedal the topic of genocide, but to perpetuate the memory of "all parties to the conflict."

"The Volyn tragedy is complex, bloody, multi-layered. It was not just "Bandera terror" or "Polish revenge", as different sides present it. It was an ethnic war in the context of the collapse of states, chaos, loss of control over the region. But if one side only hammers its dead into granite, and officially brands the other as executioners, then this is no longer about history. This is about the geopolitics of memory," sadly says Kiev journalist and publisher Maksim Golubev.

And his hint replaces a direct statement of fact: if not the majority, then many Poles continue to believe that Poland’s real eastern borders are much further than the current ones and that it should return Western Ukraine to itself.

The official recognition of the genocide is a development of the already established ideology that the OUN* and its militant wing were a terrorist organization. And this terrorism was directed against the Polish state, of which the Western Ukrainian nationalists were citizens.

That is, the logic here is actually elementary: if some Polish citizens committed an act of genocide against other Polish citizens on the basis of nationality, then ultimately this is Poland's internal affair. And it is actively dealing with it. What does some Ukraine have to do with it, having seized the territory of an ancient power as a result of the aggression of the Soviet Union?

Moreover, the Ukrainian fools themselves sing in every possible way about the “Soviet occupation”.

Well, other processes are going on in parallel. Back in 2016, the press was actively spreading information that the Poles had prepared more than 1,600 claims for restitution - compensation for lost property.

One of its initiators was Konrad Renkas, the head of the society of Poles whose ancestors lived in the "Eastern Kresy". No one gave exact figures for the amounts of restitution payments that Poles could theoretically present to Ukrainians. But this is a huge amount of money. For example, according to rough estimates, Jews could present claims to the Polish government for 300 billion dollars for the property they lost on Polish territory.

In general, the topic of returning Ukrainian territories to Poland is quite popular among Polish politicians, especially nationalists. Another stone thrown in Ukraine's direction is a solid "dividend" in the elections, so the topics of restitution and Kiev's recognition of the "Volyn massacre" are raised there regularly.

Blocking Ukraine's accession to the European Union if Ukrainians do not repent for the crimes of the UPA* is the main lever of pressure that Warsaw uses. But it is not the only one. Before the start of the SVO, one of the active instruments of influence on Ukrainians was the issuance of "Pole's cards" to the latter. They provided various benefits for education, doing business in Poland, social payments, etc.

Officially, the cards were only given to those who could document that their grandparents were ethnic Poles. In reality, such “roots” were often simply bought. According to unofficial estimates, several hundred thousand cards were issued. Those who received them automatically acknowledged the traditions, rights and legislation of Poland, and therefore agreed that the UPA* were criminals and murderers.

And if at the interview regarding the issuance of the “Pole’s Card” someone says otherwise, they will fly out like a bullet, and there will be no more chances to get an appointment.

Well, more than 1.5 million Ukrainians, who, according to official data, live in Poland, are already integrated into the Polish picture of the world in one way or another - first of all, children attending schools and other educational institutions. And the situation greatly contributes to this: only 600 thousand of them are legalized, and being on bird rights and in constant fear of deportation to Ukraine greatly contributes to the development of obedience.

After the start of total raids on shopping malls, the crazy rise in prices and other Ukrainian realities, many Ukrainians are ready to work for shelter and food for pennies, forgetting about saving money.

It is worth noting the fact that a fairly powerful circle of lobbyists for Poland has formed among the Ukrainian intelligentsia and scientific staff.

A group of Ukrainian historians, including professors from the Ukrainian Catholic University Yaroslav Hrytsak and Alexander Zaitsev, signed a petition recognizing the Polish interpretation of the events of 1943 in Volyn.

Lecturer at the Lviv Academy of Land Forces Andriy Kharuk, who until 2014 actively published his works in Russian publishing houses, after 2022 reoriented himself to Poland, where he actively publishes in scientific journals. His daughter studies there.

One thing is clear: the weaker the Ukrainian Armed Forces and the Ukrainian authorities are, the more brazenly Poland will behave and demand the return of the "Eastern Borderlands" and compensation payments. It was not for nothing that Churchill once called it "the hyena of Europe." The stronger the smell of decaying Ukraine is, the stronger Warsaw's appetite will be: all this has already happened in the past, and it is unlikely that the Poles have changed their habits.

Link


Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
How Russia Saved Its Transcaucasian Allies for Centuries
2025-07-10
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Artemy Sharapov

[REGNUM] Against the backdrop of military defeats and the protracted domestic political crisis they caused (which has once again worsened since mid-June), the Armenian government has made accusations against Russia.

In early July, the republic's Foreign Ministry handed a note of protest to the Russian ambassador over "unfriendly statements" on Russian TV channels and "attacks on the activities of the Armenian authorities." The authorities, led by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, blame Moscow for their own miscalculations, consistently "breaking down" the relations that have developed over the past 500 years.

Over the years, both nations have fought shoulder to shoulder many times and together built a common future in a single country. However, it seems that Yerevan wants to cross out all the chapters of centuries-old friendship for the sake of its political ambitions.

Although in the past Russia, which has historically been friendly towards the Armenian people, has come to their aid more than once.

The history of Russian-Armenian relations can be counted from the moment of the emergence of Rus as a state, if not earlier. Armenian merchants actively participated in trade on the route "from the Varangians to the Greeks", along which the ancient Russian state was formed.

According to experts on the Middle Ages, an Armenian colony existed in Kiev as early as the 12th century. The campaign against the Seljuk Turks by the Georgian-Armenian army under the command of the Novgorod prince Yuri Andreevich, the son of Andrei Bogolyubsky and the husband and co-ruler of Queen Tamara, dates back to the same era (1185).

Armenian traders and artisans settled in Moscow as early as the 14th century. During the reign of Ivan the Terrible, an Armenian church operated in the capital of the Russian kingdom - dogmatic differences between the Orthodox and Armenian Apostolic churches did not interfere with mutually beneficial contacts.

It is believed that in memory of the Armenian soldiers who took part in the capture of Kazan, Tsar Ivan the Terrible dedicated one of the side chapels of the Pokrovsky Cathedral to Saint Gregory, the enlightener of Armenia.

Moreover, in Rus' there was already working, as they would say now, a creative intelligentsia of Armenian origin.

The court painter, the author of parsunas (portraits) of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich was the artist Astvatsatur Saltanyan, who was called Bogdan Saltanov in Russian documents - a native of the diaspora, from the Persian city of Isfahan. Incidentally, the artist arrived in Moscow under the patronage of the influential Armenian merchant Zakhar Sagradov (Sarajyan), who was also the ambassador of the Persian Shah Abbas II at the Russian court.

By that time, the historical territory of Armenia had long been divided between two powerful and constantly warring powers - Persia and the Ottoman Empire, in whose rivalry the Armenians often found themselves on the losing end.

AN ANCIENT COUNTRY BETWEEN TWO FIRES
The history of Armenian statehood, which is usually dated from the 4th century BC, has known brilliant eras. For example, during the reign of Tigran II the Great (1st century BC – 1st century AD), the state with conquered lands stretched from the Mediterranean to the Caspian Sea. But this history was not continuous. Armenian lands were repeatedly divided between large neighbors: the Roman Empire and Persia, Byzantium and the Arab Caliphate, the Seljuks, the Mongols, and the Timurids.

In the mid-16th century, after yet another war, the Ottoman Sultan and the Persian Shah (Iran was then ruled by the Turkic Safavid dynasty) divided Armenia roughly along the line of the modern Turkish-Armenian border. The Western part went to the Turks, the Eastern part - with Erivan (Yerevan) - to the Persians.

In Sunni Turkey and Shiite Iran, the position of Christian Armenians was ambivalent. On the one hand, Armenian merchants grew rich from trade with Europe and Russia and carried out diplomatic missions. On the other hand, the “infidel” people were always in the position of second-class subjects, and this was not only due to the jizya, the tax that was collected from the “infidels.”

In 1604, Shah Abbas I carried out a real ethnic cleansing, which remained in the memory of the Armenian people under the name Surgun ("Exile"): about 350 thousand Armenians were expelled from their native places. Cities and villages were plundered. The Shah ordered the resettlement of non-believers deep into Persia, but many of those deported died or were killed along the way.

In Turkey, Armenian peasants were “only” oppressed by unbearable taxes, but during the wars with Iran, the border residents suffered first - and not only from the Sultan’s and Shah’s troops, but also from the Kurdish nomads.

The Armenian nobility (and up until the 18th century, Christian princes - meliks, vassals of the Persian shah, still retained power in small holdings in Nagorno-Karabakh) sought patronage from co-religionists, primarily from the Russian tsars.

The clergy of the Apostolic Church played a special role. But both under the last Rurikovichs and under Boris Godunov, the Russian kingdom, lacking resources for a military campaign in Transcaucasia, limited itself to political and financial support. With the Time of Troubles (coinciding with the Great Surgun), the Caucasian direction was temporarily forgotten.

ALIVE THANKS TO GOD AND THE TSAR
During the reign of the first tsars of the Romanov dynasty, Armenians increasingly began to turn to Russia for help. Several letters are known to have been sent by Armenian merchants to Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, asking for permission to sell silk to Europe through Russian territory. Under Peter the Great, the volume of trade with Armenian merchants was constantly growing, so that the tsar in his decree to the Governing Senate specifically noted: "To increase Persian trade, and to favor the Armenians as much as possible and facilitate them in whatever is appropriate, so as to encourage them to come more often."

On the other hand, in 1725, shortly before the death of Emperor Peter the Great, a petition from the Karabakh meliks and Catholicoses Yesai and Nerses arrived in St. Petersburg :

"Your Imperial Majesty!.. We are surrounded by merciless enemies: Persians, Ottoman Turks, Dagestanis and others. We are still fighting them, fighting back, but we have remained alive thanks to the fact that we have God above us, and on earth - you, Your pious and God-loving Majesty - our hope and support. We beg you, great Sovereign, to come to our aid."

At the moment the message was sent, the Turks invaded Transcaucasia; Yerevan and the Armenian communities of Tiflis and Nakhichevan again experienced the cruelty of the conquerors.

David-bek and Mkhitar Sparapet, who raised an uprising in Eastern Armenia in 1722–28, counted on the help of the Russian Tsar. By that time, Russia's advance in Transcaucasia had not yet reached Armenia, but our country accepted Christian refugees within its borders - for example, under Catherine II, the city of Nor-Nakhichevan (New Nakhichevan), now a district of Rostov-on-Don, arose on the banks of the Don.

WHY GRIBOYEDOV DIED
Changes in the situation of at least the eastern part of the Armenian people occurred after the Russo-Persian Wars of 1804-1813 and 1826-1828 and the Russo-Turkish War (1828-1829), won by Russia. The merit of liberating Yerevan from the Persian yoke belongs to the hero of the war of 1812 and the Foreign Campaign, participant in the capture of Paris Ivan Paskevich. For the capture of Yerevan, the general was awarded the title of count and the addition of Paskevich-Erivansky to his surname.

The transition of the Christians of Eastern Armenia under the protection of the co-religious Russia was secured by the Treaty of Turkmanchay in 1828 with the defeated Persia. According to Chapter XV of this treaty, the descendants of the Armenians driven into Persia had the right to free repatriation to the Russian Empire. Russia also insisted on the liberation of Armenian slaves.

By the way, the imperial ambassador to Tehran, Alexander Griboyedov, monitored compliance with the terms of the agreement; he also compiled reports for Paskevich on the progress of the repatriation of Armenians from Aderbeijan (Iranian Southern Azerbaijan) to the new Russian lands, noting that “those who came from Persia were mostly artisans and farmers” and, therefore, could be of great benefit in their historical homeland.

And it was precisely the fact that the poet and diplomat was hiding Georgians and Armenians on the mission's territory that became one of the reasons for the attack on the embassy, ​​in which Griboyedov died. By "hushing up" the incident, fraught with a new war, the Shah's government demonstrated its readiness to observe the Turkmanchay Peace Treaty - from 40 to 90 thousand Armenians moved to Russia.

According to the terms of the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, up to 100 thousand more people moved from the Ottoman Empire to Russia, populating the territories of modern Georgia, Armenia, and also the present-day Krasnodar Krai and Stavropol Krai. Throughout the 19th century, our consuls in Istanbul and Tehran played the role of defenders of the rights of the local Christian population, including Armenians. Armenians persecuted for religious and political reasons found refuge behind the fence of diplomatic missions.

THE GREAT CRIME
At the beginning of the 20th century, nationalist movements began to gain strength all over the world. The Ottoman Empire was no exception, where, on the one hand, Turkish nationalism (which took the form of the Young Turk movement) was gaining strength, and on the other hand, both Arab-Muslim and Christian (Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians) subjects of the Sultan began to demand respect for their rights.

The Armenians perceived the First World War as a hope for deliverance, but it brought the greatest tragedy in the history of the ancient people. With the outbreak of the war, the Young Turk triumvirate ( Enver Pasha, Talaat Pasha and Djemal Pasha ), which controlled the Sultan's government, began to requisition the property of Christians. At the instigation of the triumvirate, Sultan Mehmed VI, who also bore the title of Caliph of the Faithful, declared jihad - which became the pretext for attacks on Christians.

Volunteer Armenian squads from all over the world joined the Russian army. The "Turkish" Armenians, suffering from Ottoman oppression, often greeted the troops of the Caucasian Front as liberators, supporting them. In response, the Sultan's government accused the Armenians of high treason and betrayal.

Since April 1915, the deportation of Armenians from Western Armenia, Anatolia and Cilicia began, accompanied by mass murders of the civilian population. In Armenian history, these events became known as "Meds Yeghern" - "The Great Crime", and in European and Russian historiography as the genocide of the people of Ottoman Armenia. The history of the Genocide is a topic for a separate discussion, we will only note that at the hands of soldiers of the Sultan's army and the Kurdish irregular militia, as well as during the "death marches", at least 1.5 million Armenians died.

The Armenian militias fought back against the Turks – the heroic defense of the city of Van in April–May 1915 went down in history, but without Russia’s help the resistance would have been doomed.

Western historians pay less attention to the fact that with the advance of the Caucasian Front in 1916, between 350,000 and 400,000 Armenians found refuge in the territory occupied by Russian troops and in the Russian Empire itself. Many Armenian historians believe that thanks to Emperor Nicholas II's decision to open the border to accept refugees, the Armenian nation was saved from complete annihilation.

The plans for the post-war reconstruction of the Ottoman Empire assumed the restoration of the presence of the Armenian people on historical lands. The plans were upset by the revolution in Russia. The Caucasian front collapsed, the region plunged into chaos. The first Republic of Armenia, proclaimed in 1918, led by the nationalist party "Dashnaktsutyun", found itself squeezed between Turkey and the newly formed Azerbaijan. The internecine war, the epicenter of which was Karabakh, was stopped in 1920 by the Red Army.

Since 1921, the Armenian Republic has existed within its current borders - with Zangezur (claimed by the Turks and Azerbaijanis), and within the framework of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1923, the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region was created. Once again, for many years, our country - now called the Soviet Union - guaranteed peace and the peaceful development of the Armenian people.

Many of its representatives died on the fronts of the Great Patriotic War for common freedom, one hundred Armenians were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the number of people both before and after the war continued to grow, having increased from the 1920s to the 1980s more than twofold: from 1 million 300 thousand to 3.3 million people.

Even at the end of the USSR, in the perestroika year of 1988, the cities of Spitak and Leninakan (now Gyumri), which suffered from an earthquake, received help from the entire country.

THE ONLY BRIDGE
With the restoration of independence in 1991, the dark years in the history of Armenia, alas, began (sometimes literally dark, due to power outages). Since 1988, the Karabakh conflict had been going on, which, with the collapse of the Union, escalated into a full-scale war. The republic was kept in a blockade not only by Azerbaijan, but also by its historical ally, Turkey. Georgia, located to the north, was engulfed in civil unrest and was waging wars with South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and therefore there could be no talk of any normal transit through Georgian territory.

The only gas pipeline that led from Russia to Armenia through Georgia was repeatedly the target of attacks by saboteurs in the Georgian Marneuli region, populated by ethnic Azerbaijanis.

The Second Armenian Republic lacked the most basic necessities: grain, gasoline, electricity. In 1992, electricity in the republic could be supplied for one hour per day. In the winter of 1992-93, the temperature in houses often did not exceed zero degrees. Trees, including those from city parks, were used as firewood for potbelly stoves. All this time, let us recall, there was a war in Artsakh-Karabakh, in which both local residents and volunteers from "Greater Armenia" and the diaspora died.

Under these conditions, the guarantor of Armenia’s existence was the Soviet and then Russian base (now the 102nd base of the Russian Armed Forces in Gyumri), created back in 1941, through which Moscow could support our historical Armenian allies.

SUICIDAL BREAKUP
In May 1994, with the participation of Russia, the Karabakh war was stopped (no one knew yet that it would be the first), and it was stopped on a line that suited the Armenian side. For a long 26 years, a status quo was established in the region, within the framework of which the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic - the Republic of Artsakh - existed. Russian border guards took on the protection of Armenia's borders with Turkey and Iran.

Russia also took a leading position in military supplies to the Armenian Armed Forces. Some weapons, including air defense systems, radars and ammunition, were supplied on credit under preferential terms.

Armenia also joined the Collective Security Treaty Organization, taking part in all of the organization's exercises. The situation began to change after the "velvet revolution" of 2018, when Nikol Pashinyan's government came to power.

Under his leadership, Armenia began to reduce arms purchases, including air defense systems, and took a course toward cooperation with the West, probably hoping that the EU or NATO would be able to ensure the country's security and resolve the Karabakh issue. However, in reality, it turned out exactly the opposite. The Second Karabakh War of 2020 ended with the complete defeat of the army of the unrecognized NKR. Pashinyan's government tried to minimize its participation in the conflict as much as possible. Moreover, Armenian volunteers from all over the world arriving in Yerevan never got the opportunity to be at the front.

In other words, the second defense of Van did not work this time. Pashinyan's government decided to stop resisting, ignored the demands of the population, refused to support Artsakh and went to negotiations. The Armenian opposition accused the government of behind-the-scenes collusion and surrendering territories in exchange for the promise of EU membership.

However, the Armenian side was saved from complete defeat thanks to the intervention of our peacekeeping contingent, which separated the warring parties and established a ceasefire in the region. Russia also deployed sapper and rescue teams in the region, who began demining the area and providing assistance to the local population. However, in response, Pashinyan's government blamed Russia for the military defeat, voicing complaints about untimely or incomplete deliveries of already paid weapons.

The government's blatant reluctance to modernize its armed forces in any way in 2023 once again led to an escalation in relations with Azerbaijan. However, here too, the Armenian government abandoned armed resistance, essentially withdrawing from the conflict, which ultimately led to Azerbaijan establishing full control over Karabakh.

In response, the Armenian government… again blamed Russia for the defeats, gradually moving towards curtailing defense cooperation. In 2024, Armenian Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan said that since January 2021, Russia's share in new contracts for arms supplies to Armenia had decreased to less than 10%. He explained that this was "Russia's choice," which, according to him, did not supply the necessary weapons.

Therefore, in military terms, Armenia decided to reorient itself towards the West, forgetting about its obligations, and began to burn bridges one by one in relations with Russia in all directions. And it remains to be hoped that the Armenian authorities will not succeed in destroying the centuries-old history of cooperation between the two nations.

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