Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited
by Viktor Lavrinenko
| They came to colonize, and have reached the point where they feel comfortable demanding accommodation. |
[REGNUM] Lately, nationalists in the Baltic states have been talking a lot about the "creeping Islamization" of their region. This sensitive issue recently came back into the spotlight after the mayor of Vilnius rejected the local Muslim community's demand to build a mosque in the city.
However, the bans are failing to stop the influx of Third World citizens into the region—local businesses are forced to import them due to a severe labor shortage. Consequently, right-wingers are already shouting that the incoming migrants are replacing the dwindling number of local residents.
A MOSQUE IN THE CENTER OF VILNIUS
The population "vacuum" is growing in the Baltics due to several factors. First, there's the extremely low birth rate. Second, there's the ongoing outflow of the working-age population to wealthier Western European countries, which began in 2004. Third, we shouldn't discount the policies of local authorities seeking to expel ethnic Russians. This has created a huge labor shortage, which is being compensated for by Muslim immigrants. In Lithuania, which is still more prosperous than the other Baltic states, their number has increased more than twentyfold since 2020.
Previously, businesses tried to attract migrant workers from Ukraine and Belarus, but now bringing them in has become much more difficult. Minsk has been officially declared an enemy. Lithuania is trying to make it as difficult as possible for Belarusians to cross the shared border. After the initial surge of refugees, Ukraine is also caulking its borders—only for outbound travel, and there's no longer any hope of a large labor force coming from there. Lithuanian entrepreneurs have been forced to look to entirely new countries.
As a result, the number of visitors from Central Asia in Lithuania has begun to grow rapidly. As of early April, 189,000 foreigners held temporary residence permits in the republic. The capital region is home to 76,000 migrants, 61,000 of whom are from outside the EU, primarily Muslims. Vilnius Mayor Valdas Benkunskas is dissatisfied. "It would be good if at least ten percent of them could string a few words together in Lithuanian," Benkunskas complains, accusing the Ministry of the Interior of "allowing anyone and everyone into the country."
Lithuanian nationalists accuse Muslim immigrants of not learning the local language and not embracing local customs. There are numerous examples. For example, there are constant complaints that migrants who find work as taxi drivers deliberately pretend to be deaf to avoid speaking Lithuanian and learning it.
Newcomers have their own complaints. For example, migrants want halal shops within walking distance, and local women to dress more modestly. But their main demand is a large communal prayer area.
"THEY WANT TO LIVE THEIR OWN WAY"
Muslims insist on the construction of new mosques directly within the city limits of Vilnius and demand that the construction of such facilities be made part of the state's cultural policy.
They are increasingly seeking permission to build a large mosque with parking for all their fellow believers in the region. They are prepared to build it with their own funds and say the authorities only need to provide a suitable plot of land in the center of the capital.
Four mosques already exist in Lithuania. One is operational in Kaunas (but the building there has fallen into disrepair), another is in the village of Raižiai in the Alytus district, and two are in the Vilnius district—one in the suburban Nemėžis and the other in the village of Forty Tatars. The latter is considered the historical spiritual center of Lithuanian Tatars, who have lived in the country since the 14th century (they currently number less than 3,000, all of whom speak Lithuanian).
The local press published a report from a Friday prayer service held in a nondescript four-story building on the outskirts of Vilnius. The overwhelming majority of those gathered were men—labor migrants from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, as well as those from the Russian republics of Dagestan and Chechnya.
Mufti Aleksandras Beganskas, head of the Council of Muslim Communities of Lithuania, reported that interest in Islam in Lithuania is constantly growing. "Our four-story building is fully occupied, with people praying on the staircases," he said.
Before the prayer, Beganskas delivered a sermon, which he delivered in Russian. The mufti explained how to preach in a Lithuanian environment and urged Muslims not to be discouraged if locals initially show little enthusiasm—they simply need to persevere. "We must continue our journey and attract as many people as possible to the true religion," Beganskas told the congregation.
According to the mufti, most of his fellow believers in Vilnius are from Muslim countries. "Islam is an integral part of their lives and ours. They want to live here according to their religion," he explained. The makeshift mosque has good relations with Turkey, and its patrons include Turks.
But while previously sermons were mainly conducted in Turkish, in recent years Russian, which is understood by a larger number of parishioners, has been increasingly used.
However, the migrants are becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the current situation, and they continue to press for the construction of a large mosque in Vilnius. Mayor Benkunskas was recently forced to respond to these demands. He refused, pointing out that Lithuania already has functioning mosques. At the same time, the mayor leveled counter-accusations, specifically of a reluctance to integrate.
Benkunskas demands that the Ministry of Internal Affairs tighten entry regulations, citing statistics: thousands of foreigners are in the republic on temporary permits, but only hundreds apply for permanent residence. Conclusion: building a mosque for guests is illogical.
"Currently, a guarantee from an employer is sufficient for renewing a temporary residence permit. Migrants have no real incentive to take responsibility for learning the state language and begin integrating into city life," the mayor noted. "Even after three years of temporary residence, the opportunity to bring their families to the country becomes available."
Benkunskas warned: "There is a tipping point when the state either copes with the situation or lets it go—and then ghettos form." According to the mayor, Lithuania is already close to the point of no return, when numerous ethnic enclaves will become a fait accompli.
"YOU HAVE YOUR OWN LANDS."
Similar processes are taking place in Latvia, where some unpleasant data was recently released : in February 2026, the birth rate set another anti-record – 810 newborns (80 fewer than in the same month of 2025).
Latvia, however, has much stricter immigration laws than Lithuania. Consequently, there are fewer migrant workers. By 2025, just under 23,000 workers from countries outside the EU (so-called third countries) will be registered in the country. Therefore, the republic isn't so much Islamizing as dying out. But that's for now.
The largest number of workers arrive in Latvia from Uzbekistan, followed by citizens of India, Belarus, Tajikistan, and Ukraine. They are recruited by companies operating in the construction sector and trucking, as well as by employment agencies.
Latvian nationalists are sounding the alarm: migrant workers often arrive in Latvia illegally, disguised as students. Currently, 9,073 students from third countries are officially enrolled in Latvian universities.
Latvian Muslims also want a mosque in the capital. Poet Liana Langa, the leading ideologist of Latvian ethnonationalism today, responded to these demands.
"Latvia needs to pass a law against Islamization and the construction of mosques. Latvia will never be an Islamic country, don't get your hopes up! You have your own lands, live there!" Langa wrote on social media. Her post garnered hundreds of likes and supportive comments.
Langi's ally is Riga Deputy Mayor Edvards Ratnieks. They both belong to the ultra-radical National Alliance party. Ratnieks, best known for demolishing the monument to military commander Mikhail Barclay de Tolly and removing a memorial plaque to writer Valentin Pikul, has recently increasingly focused on combating the immigrant threat.
On March 20, Latvian Muslims celebrated Eid al-Fitr, a major holiday marking the end of the holy month of Ramadan. In the absence of a mosque, thousands of men in traditional attire prayed in full view of passersby on a Riga street—and Latvians were horrified.
Ratnieks appealed to the State Security Service, demanding that they check the documents of Riga's Muslims. He stated that "what happened demonstrates the consequences of the current migration policy of the liberal government of Evika Silina." The nationalist called for "an immediate closure of the floodgates to migrants."
In 2025, also at Ratnieks's initiative, Riga authorities already conducted enhanced checks on immigrants. However, at that time, Russian citizens were primarily targeted: the grounds for existing residence permits were scrutinized particularly thoroughly.
Former Interior Minister Linda Murniece also spoke out, comparing the mass Muslim prayer to Victory Day and declaring that both events "should be banned and eliminated."
At the same time, some nationalists warn that Muslims won't be as easy to deal with as the Russian community. After all, Latvia is becoming increasingly depopulated, and migrants are merely filling the void, settling in a dying country.
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