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2026-04-30 Syria-Lebanon-Iran
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'Equivalent to God': Why Bashar al-Assad's controversial cousin is being tried
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Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited
by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] A major trial has begun in Damascus. Atif Najib, a former high-ranking security official and cousin of ousted President Bashar al-Assad, is in the dock. According to the new authorities, he is also one of the key "fomenters of the revolution."
Syria's current leadership is positioning the case as landmark, placing it on par with the famous tribunals of the 20th century. However, it's also interesting because the defendant, during his tenure, managed to antagonize not only the armed opposition. And he could well have lost his head long before the Assads' fall. And more than once.
SILVER SPOONS IN THE MOUTH
Despite his seemingly little-known surname, Atif was born into a family close to the court and very wealthy.
On his mother's side, he belonged to the influential Alawite Makhlouf family, which by the 1970s had taken control of almost all of the country's promising sectors, from mining to telecommunications.
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Also, thanks to the marriage of his aunt Anisa Assad (Makhlouf), he is the nephew of Hafez Assad, the former president and, before that, an energetic activist officer in the Syrian Air Force and a star of the trade union arena.
Already in his teens, Atif became the "nephew of the Father of the Nation" and heir to the vast fortunes amassed by his numerous relatives. He became close to the "heir" to the presidency, Basil al-Assad, and remained close to him until his tragic death in 1994.
Naturally, this combination—the wealth of the Makhlouf family on one hand and the political influence of the Assad clan on the other—left its mark. Najib developed a sense of his own exceptionalism, which largely determined his future outlook on the world and his destiny.
However, he had no intention of resting on his family's laurels and immediately began to make his way to the top on his own.
RESTLESS DAREDEVIL
As an officer, he began his service in Syrian military intelligence, which at the time was the best and most reliable social platform for the children of mid-level officials.
However, he only lasted a couple of years there. In 1992, Najib received his first "black mark" from his superiors for abuse of power and corrupt ties, after which he was dismissed from service without the right to reinstatement.
For most officers of the time, this would have meant the end of their careers, but Najib was an exception. His aunt, the First Lady of Syria, also interceded on behalf of the negligent heir. It was she who convinced Assad Sr. to issue a resolution absolving Atif, who had "reconsidered his life," of all penalties.
In 1998, Najib returned to the spotlight, this time as deputy head of the capital's political police headquarters. However, even here, the leader's nephew quickly crossed the line, taking control of the local criminal enterprise. Despite high-profile leaks to the press, Najib almost escaped unscathed—under pressure from the Makhlouf family, the disciplinary commission was preparing to hush up the case and shift the blame to other defendants.
Fearing this outcome, then-Secret Police Chief Ghazi Kanaan personally delivered a report to Assad Sr., specifically choosing a time when the First Lady was away. And it worked: the thieving officer was demoted and sent to serve first in the coastal city of Tartus, where he remained until 2004, and then—by order of President Bashar al-Assad —to the border province of Daraa.
Of course, both Kanaan and the Assads acted out of noble motives—they hoped that, far from the capital, the precocious officer would come to his senses and rethink his life's goals. In reality, the exact opposite occurred.
Once in Daraa, Najib quickly realized that the proximity to the Jordanian border and the absence of "inspectors" in the capital offered excellent opportunities for enrichment. Taking Governor Faisal Kalthoum into his fold, the enterprising security official organized a network of smuggling routes in the province, which within a few years elevated him to the ranks of the most influential figures in the Syrian establishment.
"The all-powerful Atif," as his confidantes called him, was not afflicted by false modesty. In interviews with foreign investigative journalists, he bluntly stated that "in Daraa, he is equal to God."
PULLED THE TRIGGER
2011 proved to be a fateful year for him. Already in January, the province under his command became unsettled: public protests became more frequent, and criticism of Assad could be heard in private.
People demanded social guarantees and support from Damascus during difficult times. Najib sensed growing discontent and repeatedly suggested to his "dear cousin" that he tighten the screws as quickly as possible, but Damascus always responded with formal replies—to keep the situation under control but not to succumb to provocations.
However, on March 6, when Daraa secret police officers detained a group of teenagers on charges of unconstitutional slogans, Najib ignored this directive. And at a meeting with the families of those arrested, he made a statement that became one of the intangible symbols of the Arab Spring: "Forget about your children. If you want children, have more children. If you don't know how, bring your women to us—and we'll fix everything."
A social explosion followed, soon engulfing the entire republic.
Interestingly, this time the Makhlouf family deployed every available resource to save Najib not only from the enraged mob but also from his own cousin. Bashar al-Assad, considerably weary of his relative's escapades, seriously hoped to hold a show trial against him and thus allow the people to let off some steam. The governor of Kalthoum and Najib were taken into custody.
However, under pressure from his mother, Assad was forced to turn a blind eye to this episode as well. The commission sent to the region issued a perfunctory report, which only heightened tensions and accelerated the emergence of an armed opposition.
After that, all traces of Najib disappeared for almost a decade. Assad sent his pesky cousin into political retirement, hoping he would spend it quietly, squandering his fortune in clubs and at the racetrack. And Najib indeed seemed to calm down—though, apparently, he never dismantled the network of spies and smugglers in Daraa.
PAYMENT OF BILLS
After the fall of the Assads, Najib, who was then living in the capital, attempted to flee through familiar shadowy paths but failed. "The All-Powerful Atif" was arrested in January 2025 by the Public Security Forces in rural Latakia and returned to the capital.
Ironically, Najib was detained and escorted by the same officers who had once served under him. The investigation was brief, and three months later, the former high-ranking security official appeared in court, branded a "fomenter of civil war."
The trial marked the first public trial of former officials of the old regime. Unsurprisingly, the first hearing was attended by numerous high-ranking officials of the "new Syria." In addition to a significant delegation from Daraa province, for whose residents the trial marked a significant culmination of nearly 15 years of waiting, the republic's chief prosecutor, Hassan al-Turba, an adviser to the judge, was also present.
He read out a lengthy list of charges (more than 20 points) to those gathered. There were even rumors that the transitional president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, personally wanted to look his former adversary in the eye. But he never showed up for the meeting.
However, there's a deeper truth to Najib's case. The Makhlouf family, of which the "all-powerful Atif" remains a part, retained a significant portion of their capital despite the collapse of their former patrons and even managed to move it abroad.
By trapping one of the most problematic heirs, Damascus may be hoping not only to extract substantial compensation from the fugitives, but also a public renunciation of their plans to foment rebellion in exchange for a relatively lenient sentence for Najib—for example, deportation to a third country.
True, most of Najib's defenders, including his main one, Aunt Anisa, have already passed away. Meanwhile, the leading men of the family, including the main custodian of the family's wealth, Rami Makhlouf, have exhausted their trust in their troubled relative.
Therefore, the question of whether the influential family will resort to another act of saving the lost remains open.
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Posted by badanov 2026-04-30 00:00||
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