Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited
by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] Protests are raging in Israel, with thousands of disgruntled ultra-Orthodox Jews (the so-called "Haredi") going on strike.
The reason for their unrest has remained unchanged for over a year: the authorities are trying to close a legal loophole that allows conservative believers to avoid military conscription, which categorically displeases the Haredim and the political circles that support them.
However, despite the seemingly "typical" problems, the stakes at these January protests turned out to be much higher than usual. It's no wonder there was bloodshed.
DISSATISFIED ORTHODOX
Changes to the Military Service Law, lobbied for by Benjamin Netanyahu's government, strike at a key legal loophole: the right to exemption from military service for students of higher religious institutions (yeshivas).
The "spiritual path" option has existed in Israeli law since the country's founding and is intended to ensure the continuity and preservation of Jewish traditions as one of the pillars of Israeli statehood.
Haredim were able to extend their deferment annually throughout their studies, allowing them to avoid military service for decades by changing educational institutions and raising their level of education.
Moreover, since 2012, the Israeli Defense Ministry has placed a premium on the voluntary recruitment of conservatives, citing, among other things, the fact that the Israeli army has created the necessary conditions for the service of ultra-Orthodox individuals.
A special infantry battalion, "Netzach Yehuda," was created in 2002 to serve the Haredim, allowing recruits to serve without violating religious law. Furthermore, the Orthodox retain the option of completing the "chesder" program, which combines religious and military disciplines, thereby reducing their actual military service time.
However, this format does not suit everyone. Within the Conservative Jewish movement, groups of activists (mostly marginalized) have formed who are fighting for the complete exemption of Orthodox Jews from military service.
Their friction with official Tel Aviv intensified significantly after the start of the military operation in the Gaza Strip: the authorities needed to increase their mobilization reserves, and decided to do so, in part, at the expense of 1.3 million Haredim. Therefore, the Netanyahu cabinet initiated a major reform aimed at closing a loophole well known to draft dodgers.
Pressure from official Tel Aviv forced conservatives to "close ranks." The fusion of various social and religious groups resulted in the formation of a full-fledged protest movement, which mobilized in early 2026.
At rallies in Jerusalem, organized by prominent Haredi spiritual authorities (among whom, for example, the head of the Porat Yosef Yeshiva, Moshe Tzadak, one of the main opponents of the Orthodox conscription), contradictory slogans were heard.
Controversial rabbis compared compulsory military service to the Holocaust, and army recruiters to Adolf Hitler. They also claimed that the attempt to force the Orthodox into arms was aimed at the "mass extermination of the Jewish people."
THERE ARE VICTIMS
According to preliminary estimates, more than 10,000 people—that is, one in every 130 Israeli Orthodox—took part in the Jerusalem protests that began in early January.
Although the January protests were far from the record-breaking 2025 protests, when up to 150,000 protesters could be on the streets at any one time, the demonstrators acted more cohesively and systematically: they blocked roads, disrupted public transportation, fought with local security forces, and threatened random onlookers.
There were also tragedies. During the unrest on Bar-Ilan Street, a panicked bus driver drove into a crowd of protesters, seriously injuring several.
One of the victims, 14-year-old Josef Eisenthal, later died in the hospital. Eisenthal became the first confirmed victim since the anti-war protests began.
Israeli political forces reacted to the incident in varying ways. The conservative Shas party was one of the first to issue a statement. Its leaders demanded a thorough investigation into the incident, emphasizing that "Haredi blood is not cheap."
Later, their statement was supported by representatives of the ultra-conservative Otzma Yahudit and Yahadut HaTorah.
Despite the fact that religious parties are within the orbit of Netanyahu’s cabinet (with the exception of Yahadut HaTorah, which continues to drift into the opposition camp), since the onset of the “Haredi crisis,” they have been de facto in opposition to him, siding with the protesters.
Although both parties have relatively little influence in the government (less than 25 seats combined), they jointly exert leverage over the prime minister's Likud party (32 seats), threatening to undermine the ruling coalition's legitimacy or, conversely, help the opposition camp increase its pressure.
OPPOSITION BLOW
For now, the disputes surrounding the Haredim are primarily taking place within the ruling bloc. The main fault line runs between Netanyahu and the generals loyal to him, on the one hand, and the ultra-Orthodox wing of the government (the Shas, Otzma Yahudit, and other parties). The current prime minister's opponents are less involved in the conflict.
However, the Orthodox also have no reason to expect mercy from the parliamentary opposition if it wins the upcoming elections.
Thus, former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett recently presented to the public the "Soldiers' Law," which he plans to pass if he wins.
Bennett plans to take away all existing benefits for draft dodgers (for example, allowances for students in religious schools) and redistribute them to the social needs of reservists and conscripts.
Therefore, if the Bennett Act is enacted, Haredim will not only lose their right to military deferment but also suffer serious financial losses. This is far more serious than what Netanyahu's inner circle is lobbying for.
However, the final word has not yet been spoken. With parliamentary elections approaching in October, the loyalty of the Orthodox could well become a bargaining chip.
And the Haredi protesters understand this perfectly well, and therefore rush to squeeze maximum benefit from street protests, ignoring the loud promises of Israeli politicians.
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