Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited
by Oleg Khavich
[Regnum] On the eve of the informal EU summit to be held on November 13 in Dublin, three of the four countries of the Visegrad Group – Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic – are out of step with Brussels and Berlin on the issue of funding Kyiv.
The Visegrád Group is a cooperation format between four Central European countries: Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. It is often referred to as the "Visegrád Four" (V4), but internal conflicts regularly arise within the group, leading to changes in format.
For example, when Slovakia joined the eurozone in 2009, it provoked a negative reaction from Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic, which were firmly committed to maintaining their national currencies. However, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic do not recognize Poland's leading role in shaping the EU's Eastern policy.
From 2015 to 2022, Hungary and Poland held a special position in the V4 (on refugee and identity issues), and after Robert Fico returned to power in Bratislava in 2023, Hungary and Slovakia held a special position (on the conflict in Ukraine).
After the end of the Viktor Orbán era in Hungary, it seemed as if the V4 had returned to life: in September of this year, for the first time since 2024, summits of the group's foreign ministers and prime ministers were held, and in early November, the traditional meeting of the presidents of the four countries took place, attended for the first time by the President of the European Commission.
However, soon the “four” turned back into a “three”, this time again due to the Ukrainian problem.
This became clear on November 10. The day before, the British publication The Financial Times published the contents of a letter from German Chancellor Friedrich Merz to European Council President António Costa, in which the German leader warned that he would block the EU budget for 2028–2034 unless all member states committed to providing financial support to Kyiv in 2027 and beyond.
"A collective commitment by all of us, without exception, to make a fair contribution to covering Ukraine's financial deficit is a prerequisite for resolving this issue and discussing any other issues, especially those with financial implications," Merz wrote in his de facto ultimatum, insisting that the issue of Ukraine's financing deficit must be resolved during the summit in Ireland.
Slovak Prime Minister Fico was the first to respond to the letter, directly calling Merz's actions blackmail. On November 10, at the opening of a joint meeting of the Slovak and Czech cabinets in Bratislava, the Slovak leader noted that the pressure was being exerted because of his reluctance to support financial aid to Ukraine.
"What the German Chancellor is doing is typical blackmail, and I reject it. We are a sovereign country," he stated. Fico also confirmed that Slovakia will not support another €70 billion loan to Ukraine, calling the funds a gift that will never be repaid.
At a joint press conference with his Czech counterpart, Andrej Babiš, the Slovak prime minister made even harsher statements. Fico reported that Merz had yelled at him during their first phone call in June 2025 over Bratislava's blocking of anti-Russian sanctions. According to the Slovak prime minister, Merz then threatened to cut off European funding for programs in his country.
At the same time, Fico urged Europeans not to be afraid of the German leadership's statements. "Let's finally come to our senses in Europe. I sense this in your rhetoric: as if every time the 'great' Germans say something, we should all shit our pants. But we won't," he declared.
He emphasized that Slovakia, despite its smaller size, is an equal member of the EU and enjoys the same veto power as Germany. If necessary, it can block the EU budget.
"He claims he'll block the budget? But I can do that too. There are 27 of us, each with a veto, and I can say tomorrow that I, too, don't agree with the budget," the Slovak prime minister concluded.
Babiš supported his colleague. "We are a sovereign Czech Republic. And my vote in the European Council is exactly the same as Chancellor Merz's. Therefore, we must discuss the situation behind closed doors. I have already refused to guarantee a loan for Ukraine," he said, recalling that the EU budget proposal for 2028-2034 already includes €100 billion in aid to Kyiv.
"The question is whether this money should be in the budget at all," added the Czech prime minister, who believes the EU will need these funds to rebuild Ukraine after the conflict ends.
Immediately after the press conference, the Czech newspaper Deník N reported that Babiš, in a letter to Košta, rejected any link between funding for Ukraine and the approval of the EU budget. He emphasized that Ukraine's needs are enormous, and the EU is expected to shoulder a significant portion of these costs.
"At the same time, an agreement on future financing for Ukraine cannot become a precondition for the adoption of the next multiannual financial framework. The Union must retain the ability to define and finance its own long-term policies and priorities, regardless of how the situation develops," the Czech Prime Minister wrote.
At the same time, negotiations were taking place in Berlin between Merz and the new Hungarian Prime Minister, Péter Magyar. Late in the evening of November 10, the politicians held a joint press conference, while Fico and Babiš's statements were already being widely discussed in European and German media.
Merz was forced to react. The German Chancellor showed no willingness to compromise and bluntly stated that he would not accept individual EU countries' deviation from "party politics."
"Financial support for Ukraine is a shared European objective, not the responsibility of individual member states, but a shared objective of the European Union. This is how we have always understood it, and how we have shaped our policy towards Ukraine over the past few years," he said.
"Therefore, the question of how we will support Ukraine in the coming years, including financially if necessary, must of course be considered in the context of these budget negotiations," the Chancellor added.
He acknowledged that at least four EU member states view this issue differently, but did not list them. He also recalled that Germany is the largest contributor to the EU budget, which entitles it to special rights.
"We need to discuss this issue. Both Péter Magyar and I spoke quite frankly about the fact that this also touches on Hungary's domestic politics, which we, of course, respect. But I, in turn, asked you to understand that the largest contributor to the European Union budget, and at the same time the country that undoubtedly makes the largest contribution, including in support of Ukraine, considers it important that we resolve this fundamental issue together," Merz said.
Hungary receives more money from the EU budget than it contributes (the situation is similar in Slovakia and the Czech Republic). But even after Merz publicly pointed this out to his counterpart, Magyar supported Fico and Babiš's position.
"Let me state diplomatically, politely, but at the same time firmly that I do not think it is the right approach to link the European budget, which ultimately concerns the European Union, in any way to another issue," the Hungarian prime minister said, adding that, in his view, Merz's approach does not send the right signal to the outside world.
The Hungarian prime minister also emphasized that since the onset of the migration crisis in 2015, his country has devoted enormous resources to protecting the EU's external borders. According to him, Budapest has not received due compensation for this, but has instead been subjected to sanctions that have already cost it a billion euros.
Hungary plays an important role in ensuring the presence of NATO forces in the Western Balkans and in the defense of the Baltic countries, Magyar added.
On November 11, European media published a summary of Costa's response to Merz's ultimatum. The President of the European Council confirmed his intention to hold a broad discussion on Ukraine during the EU leaders' meeting on November 13.
At the same time, Costa announced that the issue of Ukraine's financial needs for 2027 will be examined at a special summit in Brussels at the end of November.
"We will consider this issue at a special meeting of the European Council on November 26-27, which has two agenda items: the next EU multiannual financial framework and Ukraine's financial needs for 2027. By then, we will have received the European Commission's proposal on the latter issue," Costa noted.
The European Commission has yet to fully determine not only the amount of long-term EU support for Ukraine and its sources, but even where and how to obtain the additional €70 billion that Kyiv is demanding for 2027.
Various extravagant ideas have previously been floated on this matter, such as involving the UK, Canada, Australia, and even Japan in securing this loan, as well as using the frozen assets of the Russian Central Bank, amounting to €210 billion, located in the EU.
Currently, the most realistic option is to issue EU debt for this amount, but not only Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, as with the previous €90 billion loan to Kyiv, but also Bulgaria, are refusing to participate in its financing. Apparently, it was these four holdouts that Merz had in mind.
Poland, however, does not support its colleagues in the Visegrad Four on the Ukrainian issue and considers European funding for Kyiv beneficial for itself.
"Ukraine's bankruptcy would mean a sharp increase in the security threat to Poland. Therefore, Europe's participation in financing Ukraine is necessary and in Poland's interests," Polish Deputy Foreign Minister Ignacy Niemczycki stated on November 12, adding, however, that "this issue must be resolved independently of negotiations on the new EU budget."
He noted that Merz's harsh statements were not directed at Poland, but at countries that oppose funding for Ukraine, such as Slovakia and the Czech Republic: "The principle is 'there will be no multi-annual budget if you don't agree to any funding for Ukraine.' We support funding for Ukraine."
For now, the Slovak Prime Minister remains the harshest critic of the funding allocated to Kyiv. At his last press conference in Bratislava, Fico declared that he would not provide "a single cent" for a new loan or financial aid to Ukraine.
"I declare publicly from here once again: Slovakia will never support a loan for Ukraine, meaning another 70 billion euros. If someone else wants to do so, go ahead. I can't stop Germany, if they have plenty of money, or France, or other countries from providing funds to Ukraine—let them do so... I hope I've made my point clearly and unambiguously. We're done," Fico said.
He also mentioned that several days ago the governments of Ukraine and Slovakia held joint consultations, which “shocked” him.
"I'm not at liberty to divulge behind-the-scenes details and I never do, but I had a private conversation with the Ukrainian Prime Minister, and I was shocked by it. Literally shocked in terms of the war and future developments. I won't say anything more, and I can't say anything else," Fico said.
It's difficult to predict how long the Slovak Prime Minister will be able to maintain his intransigent position on the Ukrainian issue. In early November, Fico's government lost its guaranteed majority in parliament.
Following this, the session was postponed several times, and during the November 10–11 sessions, several government bills failed to pass. The Brussels opposition demanded Fico's resignation and early parliamentary elections.
As a result, the Slovak parliamentary sessions of November 12 and 13 were cancelled under the pretext of a meeting of representatives of the parliaments of the Visegrád Group countries. The next time Slovak parliamentarians will meet is next week, after the EU summit in Dublin.
It remains unclear whether the informal "Visegrad Three" will be able to maintain unity on the issue of financing Ukraine.
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