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Syria-Lebanon-Iran
Iran puts reformists and Khatami aides on trial
2009-08-27
[Al Arabiya Latest] Iran put several leading reformers in the dock on Tuesday, official media reported, in its fourth mass trial of people accused of fomenting unrest after June's disputed presidential election.

Iran has already staged mass trials of around 140 people on offences linked to the massive demonstrations and street violence that followed President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's hotly-disputed victory in the June election.

The court proceedings, which opposition leaders denounced as "show trials," have angered the international community and heightened political tensions as Iran battles its worst crisis since the 1979 Islamic revolution.

Attempt to uproot opposition
" In the fourth court session, the elements and plotters of the recent riots and disturbances in Iran will be put on trial and some of them are expected to present their defiance "
IRNA

Those tried in a Revolutionary Court on Tuesday included several aides to former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami, former Deputy Interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh, former Deputy Foreign Minister Mohsen Aminzadeh, former government spokesman Abdollah Ramezanzadeh and Iranian-American scholar Kian Tajbakhsh, news agencies said.

Saaed Hajjarian, a former deputy intelligence minister turned architect of Iran's reform movement, was also among the accused, the official IRNA news agency said. Hajjarian was disabled after an assassination attempt in 2000. "In the fourth court session, the elements and plotters of the recent riots and disturbances in Iran will be put on trial and some of them are expected to present their defiance," IRNA said.

Analysts regard the trials as an attempt by the authorities to uproot the moderate opposition and put an end to the street protests that erupted after the poll.

Most of the former officials held their positions during the 1997-2005 presidency of Khatami, who backed moderate opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi in the election against the incumbent, hardliner Ahmadinejad.

Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi, who came second and fourth in the election respectively, say the vote was rigged to secure the re-election of Ahmadinejad.

The authorities deny the charge, saying it was the "healthiest" vote the country has had in the past three decades.

French teaching assistant Clotilde Reiss and two Iranians working for the British and French embassies in Tehran were among those tried on Aug. 8.

Unconstitutional trials
Khatami said the trials violated Iran's constitution and Mousavi said confessions by some of the accused were made under duress.

Others tried on Tuesday included former Economy Minister Mohsen Safaie-Farahani, former mines and industries minister Behzad Nabavi, business newspaper editor Saeed Laylaz and journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi, media reported.

Rights groups say hundreds of people, including senior pro-reform politicians, journalists, activists and lawyers, have been detained since the presidential election. Many of them are still in jail.

Iran accuses the West, particularly the United States and Britain, of inciting the unrest, in which at least 30 people were killed. They deny the charge. Hardliners have called for Mousavi and Karoubi to also be arrested.

About 4,000 people were initially detained over the protests and hundreds are still behind bars, amid opposition allegations that some have been killed, raped and abused in custody.
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran
Khatami's Cleric Status At Risk Over Handshake With Italian Women
2007-06-16
Former Iranian president Mohamed Khatami could be tried by a religious tribunal and banned from preaching over a handshake, Iranian conservative papers report. Websites close to the ultraconservative government of president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad such as Rajanews and Ansarnews said on Friday that an increasing number of clerics in the holy Shiite city of Qom believe the moderate cleric who was president of Iran from 1997 to 2005 should be convicted for his behaviour as recently demanded by Ahmadinejad's official biographer, Fatemeh Rajabi.

Rajabi is the wife of justice minister Gholam Hossein Elham, who also acts as a government spokesman.

In a recent article, Ahmadinejad's biographer wrote that "the history of Shiism in Iran has never witnessed such insolence by a member of the clergy."

Kayhan, the influential Tehran-based conservative paper directed by Hossein Shariatmadari, who is very close to the country's supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, dedicated to such an i"impure contact" an editorial accusing Khatami of having fall prey to Washington and all the "enemies of our revolution and Islam."

On 12 June, the Baran foundation of former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami issued a statement denying the cleric had intentionally shaken hands with women - as shown in footage of a recent trip to Italy broadcast on 'YouTube' - a gesture prohibited under Iran's strict interpretation of Islamic law banning all physical contact between men and women who are not related. The statement indicated either the footage had been edited to give a false impression or else Khatami had shaken the hands of people in a crowd without realising they were female.

The footage shows the president speaking to and then exchanging a handshake with Gianola and Cristina Nonnino, well known local producers of grappa, or husk brandy, in the northeastern Italian city of Udine during a visit last month.
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran
Iranian General's Whereabouts Shrouded In Mystery
2007-02-28
Istanbul, 28 Feb. (AKI) - Retired Iranian general and former deputy defence minister, Alireza Asghari, has gone missing during a private visit to Turkey, Arab and Iranian newsreports said on Wednesday. Asghari arrived in the Turkish city on a flight from Damascus and after checking into the Hotel Ghilan has not been seen since, the reports said.
"One minute he was here, the next...gone!"
Asghari is a former general in the hardline Pasdaran or Revolutionary Guard, and served in the cabinet of former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami.

Baztab, an internet site linked to the Pasdaran, reported that Ashgari may have been kidnapped. Baztab recently reported that Asghari's name was one of 20 belonging to Pasdaran officers which appeared on what the site said was a CIA hit-list.
Defected ahead of a purge?
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Home Front: Politix
Mitt, the rising star, catches Thatcher vote
2006-10-16
In an essential rite of passage for American politicians, Mitt Romney was ushered into the presence of Baroness Thatcher at a Washington think tank last month. If not quite an official anointing, the handshake and chat with so venerable a figure was an unmistakable sign to conservatives that he was “one of us”.

The improbably handsome right-wing governor of left-wing Massachusetts is generating enormous buzz as the conservative with the best chance of beating the independent-minded Senator John McCain for the 2008 Republican nomination. When his term in office expires in January, Romney is expected to throw himself helter-skelter into the presidential race.

Romney is already crisscrossing the country as chairman of the Republican Governors’ Association, bearing large cheques and a ready smile for candidates in the November mid-term elections. His meeting with Thatcher was swiftly incorporated into his patter on the stump.

“Can you imagine? It was such an extraordinary honour to be able to sit down with her person-to-person,” he said in his first interview with a British newspaper. “We talked about the condition of the world and I said, ‘I’m optimistic that we’ll overcome these problems,’ and she paused and said, ‘We always have’.”

Romney looks like a taller version of Martin Sheen in The West Wing, has been married to his high school sweetheart for 37 years and has five photogenic children. At 59 he is no youngster but is frequently ribbed about his film star appearance. “My wife and I know better. She’s the one with the looks in the family,” he joked.

He would be straight out of central casting were it not for one startling drawback: Romney is a Mormon, a religion some evangelical Christians regard with disdain. In a potential double whammy, he also speaks French (a source of ridicule for the 2004 Democratic candidate John Kerry), having been a Mormon missionary as a young man in France.

Romney, who already has a fan club called Evangelicals for Mitt, thinks the religious issue will fizzle. “People used to wonder whether a divorced actor could be elected,” he said, referring to Ronald Reagan, “or whether a Mormon could win Massachusetts, a state that is 55% Catholic.

“There was probably a time when people cared which church you went to, but that’s past. People today look to see a person’s faith in the way they live in their home with their family.”

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints outlawed polygamy long ago. But as one wag has noted, in a 2008 Republican field consisting of McCain, Rudolph Giuliani and Newt Gingrich, the only man who has had one wife would be the Mormon.

On the campaign trail last week he stopped by at a fundraiser in Philadelphia for Rick Santorum, one of the senators most identified with the Christian “values voters” who kept President George W Bush in power in 2004.

The night before, Romney had attended a 10th anniversary party for the conservative journal National Review Online where the stars of Washington’s conservative firmament gossiped over cocktails about his rising status as the candidate who could unite the “Republican wing of the Republican party”.

Laura Ingraham, the popular conservative talk show host, recalled how the smooth Romney had rung to sympathise after she announced that her dog Troy had gone missing. “He’s the man,” she said approvingly.

Jeb Bush, the governor of Florida and a favourite with the right, said last week Romney would be a “formidable” candidate.

As governor, Romney has already proved his appeal to swing voters. One party-goer described him as an American Tony Blair. “He’s extremely eloquent with strong convictions. He’s a visionary who is attempting to create a health system which could be a model for the whole country.”

Romney is pioneering a market-based system for universal healthcare in his home state that he believes easily trumps Hillary Clinton’s botched proposal when she was first lady. “The first difference between hers and mine is that mine got voted in,” he said tartly.

On abortion, he has switched to being pro-life (some question his sincerity) and opposes gay marriage, which the courts have permitted in Massachusetts. He is also tough on immigration and hawkish on national security.

“We’re under attack by jihadists,” Romney said. “They’re not simply a band of lunatics in the hills of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is a worldwide effort by a small slice of Islam to subjugate all the nations of Islam to a caliphate.”

Romney defended Bush’s new laws regarding the treatment of terrorist suspects last month, but criticised him for allowing the former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami to visit America.

He has spent time recently with Paul Bremer, the former head of the provisional coalition authority, and other Iraq experts. Mistakes were made, he freely admitted, but the Iraqi government had to be given more time to establish security.

“When that is achieved” — he did not say by 2008, but he must be hoping — “there will be a relatively rapid withdrawal.”

Romney will have to take more risks to lift his candidacy out of the ordinary, observers believe. Just as the Democrats are searching for a credible alternative to Clinton, so the Republicans want a candidate who can square up to the heavyweight McCain — an “American hero”, in Romney’s words, who is certainly “one of the leading contenders”.

We will know Romney is outpacing him if the Tories invite him to address next year’s party conference — McCain attended this year’s gathering in Bournemouth. “I’d love to speak to my conservative colleagues in the mother country,” Romney laughed. Of course, he may have to keep the Thatcher yarns to a minimum.
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Home Front: Culture Wars
The Ivy League’s Love Affair with Nazis
2006-10-02
Inviting Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to speak “is like inviting Hitler in the 1930s,” an Israeli official has said, in response to the invitations extended to the Iranian leader by the Council on Foreign Relations and Columbia University. Those invitations followed, by less than two weeks, Harvard University’s hosting of a speech by one of Ahmadinejad’s defenders, former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami.

The Israeli official’s remark was closer to the truth than he realized. Although neither Columbia nor Harvard invited Adolf Hitler to speak in the 1930s, they did the next worst thing —they welcomed senior officials of the Hitler regime.

Thanks to recent groundbreaking research by Prof. Stephen Norwood of the University of Oklahoma, the shameful details of this Ivy League flirtation with the Nazis is a secret no longer. Perhaps it makes their recent invitations to Iranian officials seem less surprising.

In May 1934, the Harvard administration played host to Nazi Germany’s U.S. ambassador, Hans Luther. He visited Harvard’s Germanic Museum and Widener Library. The following month, Harvard president James Conant rolled out the red carpet for Hitler’s foreign press chief, Ernst “Putzi” Hanfstangl. A graduate of the class of 1909, Hanfstangl came for the June 1934 commencement and his 25-year class reunion. He had been a close ally of Hitler’s since the early 1920s, and in his new position was responsible for spreading Nazi propaganda abroad.

President Conant received the Nazi official at a tea for the Class of ‘09 in his home. The student newspaper, The Harvard Crimson, even urged the administration to award Hanfstangl an honorary degree “as a mark of honor appropriate to his high position in the government of a friendly country.”

Later that year, the Harvard administration hosted Germany’s Boston consul-general, Baron Kurt von Tippelskirch, at a ceremony honoring Harvard graduates who had died while fighting in the German army in World War I. The consul’s wreath included the infamous Nazi swastika.

Meanwhile, at Columbia, president Nicholas Murray Butler in 1933 invited Nazi ambassador Hans Luther to speak on campus, and also hosted a reception for him. Luther represented “the government of a friendly people,” Butler insisted. He was “entitled to be received … with the greatest courtesy and respect.” Ambassador Luther’s speech focused on what he characterized as Hitler’s peaceful intentions.

Three years later, the Columbia administration announced it would send a delegate to Nazi Germany to take part in the 550th anniversary celebration of the University of Heidelberg. (Harvard did likewise.) This, despite the fact that Heidelberg already had been purged of Jewish faculty members, instituted a Nazi curriculum and hosted a burning of books by Jewish authors.

“Academic relationships have no political implications,” Butler claimed. Many Columbia students disagreed. The student newspaper, The Spectator, denounced Butler’s intention to send the delegate to Heidelberg, and students held a “Mock Heidelberg Festival” on campus, complete with a bonfire and mock book burning. “Butler Diddles While the Books Burn,” their signs proclaimed.

That was followed by a student rally in front of Butler’s mansion. Butler was furious that a leader of the rally, Robert Burke, “delivered a speech in which he referred to the President [Butler] disrespectfully.” As punishment, Burke was permanently expelled from Columbia.

(In the late 1930s, Butler would change his position and speak out against the Nazis. Unfortunately, it was too late to undo the damage he already had done.)

Universities are uniquely positioned to shape public attitudes. As the pillars of America’s educational system, they are looked upon as exemplars for our society. But what example did they set in the 1930s, by hosting officials of the Hitler regime and expelling a student for the "crime" of leading an anti-Nazi rally? What message do they send today by welcoming leaders of a regime that sponsors international terrorism and threatens to annihilate five million Israeli Jews?

As it happens, President Ahmadinejhad will not speak at Columbia, but for the wrong reason. He was originally invited by the dean of Columbia’s School of International Affairs, Lisa Anderson, to speak as part of the University’s “World Leaders Forum.” Following protests, university president Lee Bollinger told Anderson that Ahmadinejad should speak at the School of International Affairs itself rather than at the university-wide forum. Anderson, for her part, said the logistical and security requirements for the visit were too complicated to resolve on short notice. Unfortunately, neither Bollinger nor Anderson acknowledged any moral problem with inviting the Iranian president.

Robert Burke is the person who should be embraced by Columbia, not Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Even at this late date, an honorary degree for Burke would constitute an appropriate replacement for the Iranian leader’s speech, and a powerful expression of Columbia’s opposition to fascist tyrants and their proxies.
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Home Front: Politix
At universities, little learned from 9/11
2006-09-15
By Harvey Mansfield
FIVE YEARS have now passed since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, and what have our universities been doing? I can tell you about Harvard, and the answer is not reassuring. Harvard has just welcomed the former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami to give a little talk. Harvard thinks this is free speech, but in fact the university has allowed itself to be used as a platform for sweet-talk in the service of a regime that hates, and wants to bamboozle, America. Note, too, that Harvard professor Stephen Walt and a Chicago professor have just written an exposé of the Israeli lobby's influence on American politics. They encourage the belief that Israel is the main problem we face.

Nor has Harvard relaxed its hostility to ROTC on the campus. The pretext is the military's policy discriminating against gays by requiring them to keep silent about being gay. Never mind what would happen to gays or defenders of gays if the Islamic fascists took over.
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran
Hojjatieh, the secret society that now controls the Iranian government
2006-02-06
Yet another long-running organization with plans for world domination. Be interesting to see how they fit together the Supreme Council of Global Jihad that al-Hawali seems to be running for Binny. Given our luck, we're probably still only like half-way up the ladder till we finally reach the Eddorians.
When mild-mannered former Iranian president Mohammad Khatami lashed out in a post-election sermon at the "powerful organization" behind the "shallow-thinking traditionalists with their Stone-Age backwardness" currently running the country, it became clear that Iran's political establishment is worried by the ideology propelling the government of new hardline President Mahmud Ahmadinejad.

Khatami's attack coincides with mounting evidence that a radically anti-Bahai [1] and anti-Sunni semi-clandestine society, called the Hojjatieh, is reemerging in the corridors of power in Tehran. The group flourished during the 1979 revolution that ousted the Shah and installed an Islamic government in his place, and was banned in 1983 by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the father of the revolution.

Khomeini objected to the Hojjatieh's rejection of his doctrine of velayat-e faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) and its conviction that chaos must be created to hasten the coming of the Mahdi, the 12th Shi'ite imam. Only then, they argue, can a genuine Islamic republic be established.

"Those who regarded the revolution, during Imam Khomeini's time, as a deviation, are now [wielding] the tools of terror and oppression," Khatami was reported as saying at a speech in the conservative northeastern town of Mashhad, the same location chosen by Ahmadinejad to convene the first meeting of his cabinet.

"The shallow-thinking traditionalists with their Stone-Age backwardness now have a powerful organization behind them," he said, in what was interpreted as an indirect reference to the Hojjatieh society.

Khatami's sharp comments followed an outburst by Ahmad Tavassoli, a former chief of staff of Khomeini. Tavassoli claimed that the executive branch of the Iranian government as well as the crack troops of the Revolutionary Guards had been hijacked by the Hojjatieh, which, he implied, now also controls Ahmadinejad.

Amid talk that the recent election was a silent coup carried out by elements of the hardline Revolutionary Guard after eight years of reformist rule, Western embassies have been scrambling to understand what the Hojjatieh stands for and to what extent the influence of its teachings will be felt in the new government's domestic and foreign policies.

Asia Times Online spoke last week with European and North American diplomats in Tehran who are trying to identify which of the new government's ministers have sympathies with the Hojjatieh or a part in the organization.

After its banning in the 1980s, the Hojjatieh's members faded into the ranks of the bazaar-based Islamic Coalition Society (Mo'talife). Reports in the past few years that the society is reviving have stressed that the neo-Hojjatieh are not so much anti-Bahai as "fanning the flames of discord between Shi'ites and Sunnis", according to the August 28, 2002 edition of the Hamshahri daily.

Ahmadinejad himself is said to have sympathies with the Hojjatieh, if he was not a member outright at some point in his career. The Islamic society he belonged to at Alm-u Sanat University where he attended was an extreme traditional and fundamentalist group that contained a large number of students from the provinces and maintained grass-roots links with the Hojjatieh. The society's anti-leftism also chimes with reports that Ahmadinejad was pushing for a takeover of the Soviet Embassy alongside or instead of the US compound in Tehran during the 1979 revolution.

Of the 21 new ministers in Ahmadinejad's cabinet, three are said to have Hojjatieh backgrounds, including Intelligence chief Hojatoleslam Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Ejehyi, a graduate of the Hojjatieh-founded Haqqani theological school with a long background in the intelligence services. Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi, a hardline Shi'ite cleric who is said to have issued a fatwa urging all 2 million members of the bassij Islamic militia [2] to vote for Ahmadinejad in the recent presidential elections, is also associated with that university.

The hardline minister of the interior, Mostafa Pourmohammadi, is another Haqqani alumnus with suspected Hojjatieh sympathies. His appointment was greeted with outrage by some Iranian politicians. Tehran member of parliament Emad Afruq was reported by Islamic Republic News Agency on August 24 to have challenged Pourmohammadi's appointment on the basis of his questionable human rights record while at the Ministry of Intelligence: "You must recognize that when someone comes from such a ministry, with this past and the absence of supervisory mechanisms, our reaction is that we shudder with fear in the public arena. And have we not shuddered? Have we not felt insecure in the past?"

A few days after the new cabinet was revealed, a dinner party in North Tehran's exclusive Elahiyeh neighborhood was buzzing with talk of Hojjatieh involvement in the new government. One Iranian working as a political analyst for a Western embassy fingered the controversial Ayatollah Mesbah-Yazdi as the main reason behind the transformation of an initially anarchist movement that rejected any form of government, especially an Islamic one, into a key actor influencing the policies of the Ahmadinejad administration.

The powerful cleric is said to be Ahmadinejad's marja-e taqlid (object of emulation) and the ultimate proponent of an elite theory of government best summed up in his once saying: "It doesn't matter what the people think. The people are ignorant sheep."

"There is no doubt that Mesbah and the new crew, whether formally Hojjatieh or not, are more attached to core Shi'ite identity and values," said Vali Nast, a professor of Middle East politics at the Department of National Security Affairs. "But an equally important faction, especially in the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Council, is simply anti-Ba'athist. These are people who fought in the Iran-Iraq war and that may also be important in deciding attitudes towards Saudi Arabia and Iraq."

At a time of rising Sunni-Shi'ite tensions in the region, and as Iraq increasingly turns into a proxy battleground for its neighbors, it is not surprising that a Shi'ite supremacist government in Tehran, whether related to the Hojjatieh or not, should reemerge.

Saudi Arabia and Iran are battling it out in Iraq as both seek to win the hearts and minds of ordinary Iraqis, the majority of whom are Shi'ites. While Iran is believed to have a better intelligence presence in the country and a more organized military capability, Saudis account for a large percentage of the suicide bombers active there.

In an August Newsweek article, former Central Intelligence Agency agent Robert Baer quoted a high-level Syrian official telling him that of 1,200 suspected suicide bombers arrested by the Syrians since Iraq was invaded in 2003, 85% have been Saudis. Baer went on to quote Iran's Grand Ayatollah Saanei reacting to the news by describing Wahhabi suicide bombers as "wolves without pity" and saying that "sooner rather than later, Iran will have to put them down".

Saudi Arabia is also reported to be active in Iran, especially in the ethnically Arab, oil-rich south of the country, where it is whispered that Riyadh is offering financial incentives for locals to convert from Shi'ite to Sunni Islam. News of this strategy has reached Qom, the clerical heartland of Iran.

In an April 2004 article, Persian-language Baztab news website that is written by well-connected insiders and read by Iran's political elite, published a piece alleging that the Hojjatieh had adopted a strategy of trying to sharpen domestic tensions between Sunnis and Shi'ites through launching a propaganda campaign against the minority religious group inside Iran (Sunnis). The report alleged that some Hojjatieh-aligned publishers have been issuing books in Arabic that are critical of Sunnis. The books have been distributed in Qom, but are fictitiously marked "Published in Beirut" to give them further credibility and mask the fact they are Shi'ite propaganda.

This is a potentially dangerous move with grave foreign policy implications for Iran. Iran's Sunni minorities live in some of the least-developed provinces and are under-represented in parliament, the army and the civil service. Iran's Kurds, who are Sunni, have been rioting in the north, while the ethnic Arab south is another location that has suffered riots and a bombing campaign in the past six months.

But whether the Hojjatieh is being resurrected by its former adherents or is being used as a battering ram by those Iranian politicians opposed to the current government, its reappearance coincides with a Shi'ite resurgence across the region and a new era of conservative factional infighting in Tehran.

"This particular form of mud-slinging that had disappeared a quarter of a century ago - when the secular left accused the religious establishment of having clandestine Hojjatieh affiliations - is gaining currency again in the new battle of Titans: the traditional right-wing versus the revolutionary right-wing clerical establishment - over ideological hegemony in Iran," concluded Mahmoud Sadri, a US-based Iranian academic.
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