Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
Peretz, Olmert vow they won't resign |
2007-01-19 |
![]() "As defense minister, my intention is to continue the mission," Peretz said on Wednesday night in a speech at a graduation for naval commanders in Haifa. Sources close to both men said they were waiting for the release of the interim findings of the Winograd Commission at the end of next month, which they believe will clear them of wrongdoing in the war in Lebanon. Olmert and Peretz are expected to be questioned by the commission over the next two weeks. "Winograd will decide whether or not there will be a domino effect," an Olmert associate said. "The tribunal, established to make decisions, is where his fate will be determined." Peretz's associates said they hoped Halutz's departure would help end the recent feuding between Olmert and Peretz, because their fates were intertwined. "Maybe the domino effect has stopped because the two men need each other," a source close to Peretz said. "We don't play grudge games, and he wants to get along with the prime minister because it's important for the security of the state." Peretz's closest allies among the Labor MKs, faction chairman Yoram Marciano and Education Minister Yuli Tamir, have told him in recent days that it would help restore his image as a fighter for the poor, as well as his chances in the May 28 Labor primary, if he were to leave the Defense Ministry and accept an enhanced socioeconomic portfolio. Peretz's aides mocked Marciano and Tamir for "having no military understanding." At a rally for Peretz's political rival, former prime minister Ehud Barak, United Kibbutz Movement secretary-general Ze'ev Shore, who heads the largest sector among Labor members, joined the call for Peretz to accept a socioeconomic portfolio and leave the Defense Ministry. Olmert has been talking to Labor MKs and ministers over the past few weeks to hear from them ideas on how to convince Peretz to leave the portfolio, ideally as part of a cabinet reshuffle after the January 31 verdict in the trial of former justice minister Haim Ramon, but if not, then no later than the release of the Winograd Commission's findings. Politicians from across the political spectrum called upon both Olmert and Peretz to follow in Halutz's footsteps and resign. They said Halutz could teach them a lesson about taking responsibility for their roles in the war. A Smith Research poll broadcast on Channel 10 found that 69 percent of Israelis want Olmert to quit and 26% do not. Some 85% want Peretz to quit and only 13% do not. Respondents were divided about whether Israel needs new elections, with 33% saying yes and 32% no. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
Eisencott replaces Adam as OC Northern Command |
2006-10-20 |
Maj.-Gen. Gadi Eisencott officially replaced OC Northern Command Maj. -Gen. Udi Adam at his post Thursday afternoon. Lt.-General Dan Halutz and Defense Minister Amir Peretz attended the ceremony, along with other senior Staff officers. Adam decided to resign from his post, reportedly due to ongoing differences between himself and Halutz, prompted by the war in Lebanon. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
Israeli Army Chief Fires Top General |
2006-10-05 |
JERUSALEM (AP) - Israel's army chief fired a top general Wednesday over his criticism of the war in Lebanon and government policy, the army said. The dismissed officer, Maj. Gen. Yiftah Ron-Tal gave unauthorized interviews to several Israeli news media earlier Wednesday, an army statement said. Ron-Tal said army chief of staff Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz must "accept responsibility" for the shortcomings of Israel's 34-day war with Lebanese Hezbollah guerrillas, which ended Aug. 14. Halutz, in a letter to Ron-Tal, said he was terminating the general's stay in the military immediately. Halutz said Ron-Tal's decision to make public statements was "unacceptable," the army statement said. "Israeli soldiers are forbidden to deal with political subjects and make public comments on political and diplomatic issues, and all the more so, it is forbidden for soldiers to publicly criticize the government," it said. Ron-Tal is the second general to exit over the war. The commander of the northern sector, including the Lebanon border, Maj. Gen. Udi Adam, resigned after Halutz posted another general to oversee his command during the fighting. Ron-Tal, who was already on leave before his scheduled retirement in December, was the commander of Israeli ground forces, a senior position. In the interviews, he also criticized Israel's unilateral pullout from Gaza a year ago. |
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran | ||||
NYT: UN Force in Lebanon more "Can't" than "Can" | ||||
2006-09-26 | ||||
The United Nations force created to police southern Lebanon faces not only a threatening al Qaeda presence cheek by jowl, but endless handicaps in performing its mandated functions. The New York Times correspondent reports: One month after a UN Security Council resolution ended a 34-day war the international force members say they cannot set up checkpoints, search cars, homes or businesses or detain suspects. If they see a truck transporting missiles, for example (in violation of the UN arms embargo), they cannot stop it because under their interpretation of the Security Council resolution (1701) that deployed them, they must first be authorized to take such action by the Lebanese army.
DEBKAfile adds: More than 40% of the Lebanese army consists of Shiites. Their loyalty goes first to Hizballah or their Shiite commanders rather than the Lebanese government. Israeli officials and commanders have their own mantra which is that there is no Hizballah activity on the ground. The last Israeli forces can therefore pull out of South Lebanon by the end of the month. DEBKAfile notes that the Olmert government continues to cover up the failure of its war objectives by polishing up its aftermath. The truth is that Hizballah activities are intense but do not figure in the reports of UNIFILs European contingents, which have their own agenda. This agenda has whittled down most elements of the mission assigned the UN force by Resolution 1701, which was approved in the first place to prevent Hizballah from continuing its attacks on Israel and destabilizing the area. As for the demand to disarm Hizballah, the paper quotes local Shiites as making it clear they will fight anybody who tries to take Hizballahs weapons away. For the forces to remain welcome they must demonstrate they are there to protect the Lebanese from Israel not to police the Lebanese on behalf of Israel. DEBKAfile adds: Hizballah would not need to fight the international force. Al Qaedas second-in-command Ayman Zawahiri stated in his last videotape this month that UNIFIL in Lebanon is a target for terrorist attack. Hizballahs hands can therefore stay clean. US Intelligence Director John Negroponte reported last week that Qaedas expansion into Lebanon, exploiting the conflict there, is being taken seriously. The chasm between the Sunni Muslim al Qaeda and Lebanons Shiite Hizballah is no bar to collaboration.
As for the international force, its robust policing operations have more or less been relegated to the archives of the UN Security Council.
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
Israel's strategic rot |
2006-09-20 |
Caroline Glick, THE JERUSALEM POST Again last week our hopes were raised, only to be dashed once more. OC Northern Command Major General Udi Adam raised our hopes when he resigned his command. Adam, the first of our incompetent leaders to leave his job after mishandling the war against Hizbullah this summer, made us think that perhaps other incompetents in the IDF and the government would follow his example. Our hopes were also raised later in the week when former IDF chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. (ret.) Moshe Ya'alon made public his demand that Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Defense Minister Amir Peretz and his successor, Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, quit or be forced from office due to their mismanagement of the war. Charging at the heels of Ya'alon's frontal assault were the retired generals. In a meeting with Halutz Friday afternoon the IDF elders, too, told him he must go. And Halutz isn't the only commander who needs to resign. During the meeting, one of the retired generals read aloud an order of battle authored by Division 91 Commander Brig. Gen. Gal Hirsh, who led much of the ground operation in Lebanon. Hirsh ordered his forces to conduct "a massive infiltration with a small signature, charge, quick deployment in the commanding territories and the creation of cataclysmic contact with the built-up areas while inducing shock and awe." Got that? While the incoherent order evoked laughter in the audience, as one of the generals commented to Yediot Aharonot: "It is more sad than funny. It sounds like a poem, not an order of battle." Clearly the IDF is due for a serious house-cleaning. But Halutz, like Olmert and Peretz, refuses to follow Adam's example and go away. LIKE OLMERT and Peretz, Halutz justifies his refusal to take responsibility for his failure and resign by arguing that letting someone else try to succeed where he failed would be irresponsible. Halutz will fix Halutz's mistakes. But his investigation of the war's operational and tactical management makes you wonder. Division 91's operations are being reviewed by none other than Brig.-Gen. Hirsh - who has asked to extend his command. So if Halutz won't quit and his investigations won't solve the problems, then we place our hopes in the newly appointed Winograd Commission, which received a governmental mandate Sunday to investigate the war. The committee, chaired by a retired judge and manned by a law professor, a political scientist and two retired generals, received a broad mandate for investigation. Not only is it empowered to investigate the conduct of the war and the preparations leading up to the war, it has been mandated to investigate the actions of past governments and IDF General Staffs going back to "the period when Hizbullah first began fortifying itself along the border." That is, the committee will investigate how successive governments and IDF General Staffs contended with the Hizbullah threat as it grew since the IDF withdrew from Lebanon in May 2000. It isn't clear what professional qualifications the members of the committee have to judge military and policy blunders. But assuming that its members are competent to fulfill their mandate, is there room for hope that this committee of retirees can fix what needs to be fixed? Unfortunately, no matter how talented its members may be, the Winograd Commission has no chance of fixing what is broken in the IDF, or in the government. Its failure is preordained by its mandate. THE OPERATIONAL and tactical failures of the brigade, division and regional commanders in the war did not come out of thin air. They stemmed from a basic strategic misreading of reality which has informed all governments from 1999 until today. That strategic failure does not relate to what Israel did or did not do after the withdrawal from Lebanon in May 2000. The strategic error that stands at the root of the latest war, as well as at the root of the war with the Palestinians is the IDF's withdrawal from south Lebanon itself and the erroneous thinking that caused it. By beginning the inquiry into the latest war from the period that followed the withdrawal, the commission, whatever its qualifications, is blocked from investigating the source of the operational and tactical confusion and incompetence that followed. Israel's withdrawal from south Lebanon was predicated on the unfounded notion that Hizbullah - an Iranian-proxy organization dedicated to the eradication of Israel and the US and the establishment of a global caliphate through jihad - was only fighting Israel because Israel maintained its security zone in south Lebanon. Were we to leave, Hizbullah would magically abandon its core belief, accept Israel and become a political party. THE IDF and the entire defense establishment completely opposed this militarily and strategically unjustifiable initiative. Yet the notion of embracing surrender as a national security doctrine, spawned circa 1996 by EU-financed Israeli politicians like Yossi Beilin and EU-financed non-profit organizations like Four Mothers, captured the imagination and received the unqualified backing of the radical leftist media, particularly at publicly financed Israel Radio and TV. And so it was that Ehud Barak, who until Ehud Olmert's ascension to power had no competition for the title "The worst prime minister in Israel's history," scored his greatest "achievement" in the office of prime minister by carrying out the strategically indefensible withdrawal. In so doing he handed the global jihad movement its first strategic victory against the "infidels" since the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Hizbullah, an Iranian-commanded Shi'ite band in the Lebanese backwater, became, overnight, a symbol of Islamic strength. It earned the distinction of being the first Arab army to defeat the Jews. THE PALESTINIANS made no attempt to hide the fact that it was Hizbullah's victory over Israel that inspired them to begin their jihad against Israel four months later, in September 2000. Hizbullah's victory convinced them that the Jews would run away if you attacked them. Terror, not negotiations was the way to destroy the Zionist entity. As to Israel, neither the media, which was directly responsible for pressuring Barak to order the withdrawal, nor the Barak and Sharon governments had an interest in questioning the wisdom of the withdrawal from Lebanon. And so, rather than sound the alarms as Hizbullah overtly armed itself with thousands of rockets and missiles, the government and the media lulled the public into complacency. Any general, politician or commentator who dared to point out that since the withdrawal Hizbullah had been transformed from a tactical nuisance into a strategic threat, was dismissed as a warmonger. And based on the perceived success of the Lebanon withdrawal, the Sharon-Olmert-Livni government convinced the public that the model ought to be implemented in Gaza and northern Samaria as well. Olmert insisted that the Winograd Commission investigate the handling of the Hizbullah threat since the withdrawal because he, Halutz and Peretz want to spread the blame as widely as possible. In line with these efforts the three failed leaders are blaming the war on Ya'alon and former defense minister Shaul Mofaz by asking why they did nothing to contend with the growing Hizbullah threat during the years they led the IDF under Ariel Sharon. BUT HERE we enter the heart of the matter. The moment Israel left Lebanon, the political cost - both domestically and internationally - for contending with the growing threat from Hizbullah was raised exponentially. After bragging about how brilliant we had been to enable Hizbullah to build fortifications adjacent to Metulla and Kiryat Shmona, how could the government have taken action against a few thousand silly missiles? Particularly in light of the media's pro-European pacifism, the reputational cost of striking Hizbullah was too high for politicians to bear. By propagating its own delusions Israel had maneuvered itself into a position where it could take no preemptive action against Iran's proxy force at its doorstep. Yet, one may argue, Israel's intelligence capabilities are such that the IDF didn't need to maintain its presence in Lebanon to contend with Hizbullah. Our spies in the Mossad or Military Intelligence or the Shin Bet could have taken on the missile threat through "massive infiltration with a small signature," to quote the poet. Yet to argue this is to ignore one of the side effects of Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon. When the IDF pulled out it abandoned the best allies Israel had ever had - the soldiers and officers of the South Lebanese Army, who fought side by side with the IDF for nearly 18 years. After this betrayal it doesn't take a genius to understand the kind of difficulties Israel experienced in finding spies. It is clear, then, that our irresponsible and incompetent leaders have placed us in a situation where no effective action is being taken to fix what is clearly broken. It is similarly apparent that they wish to lull us again into complacency by investigating everything except the cause of everything. They intend to capture our attention with juicy stories about various generals' malfeasance on the third or 13th day of the war, and so delude us into believing that something is being done. But the only way for something to be done is for the current leadership to be replaced. The only commission of inquiry that will be capable of clearing out the rot is general elections. The only way we can remedy our operational and tactical woes is by having leaders who can understand, and are brave enough to correct our strategic mistakes. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
Former generals to give Halutz ultimatum |
2006-09-15 |
![]() It will be the second such meeting Halutz has held with the former members of the top brass. The point of the meeting, officers close to Halutz said, was to hear the generals' ideas and thoughts. Maj.-Gen. (res.) Uri Saguy, a former head of Military Intelligence and one of the most vocal critics since the war ended, said Thursday personnel changes were needed within the defense and political establishments in Israel. "There was a bad mix between the diplomatic and military echelons," he said. Meanwhile, Defense Minister Amir Peretz met with OC Northern Command Maj.-Gen. Udi Adam on Thursday, a day after the general announced his resignation from the IDF. According to sources close to Peretz, Adam said during the meeting that he did not intend to retract his decision and asked that his replacement be found as soon as possible. |
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Good morning... |
2006-09-14 |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
General Udi Adam resigns |
2006-09-14 |
![]() During the Israeli offensive on Lebanon, Halutz replaced Adam with another general, the west command, a decision that was unapproved by the former. Many Israelis interpreted Halutz' decision as a way to appease soldiers, stationed along the Israeli northern border with Lebanon. According to Maariv, Adam believed he did his best to prepare the northern command for the lastest war with Hezbollah. |
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Syria-Lebanon-Iran |
IDF: Troops killed top Hezbollah man minutes before cease-fire |
2006-08-15 |
![]() During the fighting Israel Air Force planes bombed southern Beirut dozens of times, attempting to hit Hezbollah leaders. Earlier Tuesday, a senior Hezbollah official said that no member of Hezbollah's top leadership was killed in Israeli attacks against Lebanon during the war. "Thank God, no one in a leadership position has been martyred ... even though we hope to be martyrs one day," said Sheik Naim Kassem, Hezbollah's deputy leader. Kassem spoke in an interview with Hezbollah's Al-Manar TV station, his first appearance since the start of the Israel-Hezbollah war on July 12. Israel said its forces have killed hundreds of Hezbollah guerrillas, but the group said about 70 members were killed. Kassem said Hezbollah scored a "strategic victory" against Israel in the war. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
IDF Incensed At PM's Spinelessness -- US Approved Attacking Syria |
2006-08-10 |
Relations between the country's political and military leadership are at the lowest point in the country's history, on the verge of a crisis. In addition, there is a growing lack of confidence between Chief of Staff Dan Halutz, the first CoS to hail from the air force, and many of his general staff colleagues from the ground forces, who say he and his "blue clique" [blue being the color of the air force uniform-ed] do not fully appreciate the nature of ground warfare. According to informed sources, there is an almost total breakdown in trust and confidence between the General Staff and the PM's office. They have described the situation as "even worse than the crises that followed Ben Gurion's decision to disband the Palmach, and Golda Meir and Moshe Dayan's cynical decision to place all the blame for the Yom Kippur fiasco on the IDF's shoulders. Senior IDF officers have been saying that the PM bears sole responsibility for the current unfavorable military situation, with Hezbollah still holding out after almost a month of fighting. According to these officers, Olmert was presented with an assiduously prepared and detailed operational plan for the defeat and destruction of Hezbollah within 10-14 days, which the IDF has been formulating for the past 2-3 years. This plan was supposed to have begun with a surprise air onslaught against the Hezbollah high command in Beirut, before they would have had time to relocate to their underground bunkers. This was to have been followed immediately by large scale airborne and seaborne landing operations, in order to get several divisions on the Litani River line, enabling them to outflank Hezbollah's "Maginot line" in southern Lebanon. This would have surprised Hezbollah, which would have had to come out of its fortifications and confront the IDF in the open, in order to avoid being isolated, hunted down and eventually starved into a humiliating submission. This was exactly what the IDF senior command wanted, as Israeli military doctrine, based on the Wehrmacht's blitzkrieg doctrine, has traditionally been one of rapid mobile warfare, designed to surprise and outflank an enemy. According to senior military sources, who have been extensively quoted in both the Hebrew media and online publications with close ties to the country's defense establishment, Olmert nixed the second half of the plan, and authorized only air strikes on southern Lebanon, not initially on Beirut. Although the Premier has yet to admit his decision, let alone provide a satisfactory explanation, it seems that he hoped futilely for a limited war. A prominent wheeler-dealer attorney-negotiator prior to entering politics, he may have thought that he could succeed by the military option of filing a lawsuit as a negotiating ploy, very useful when you represent the rich and powerful, as he always had. Another motive may have been his desire to limit the economic damage by projecting a limited rather than total war to the international financial powers that be. Whatever his reasons, the bottom line, according to these military sources, is that he castrated the campaign during the crucial first days. The decision to not bomb Beirut immediately enabled Nasrallah to escape, first to his bunker, subsequently to the Iranian embassy in Beirut. The decision to cancel the landings on the Litani River and authorize a very limited call up of reserves forced the ground forces to fight under very adverse conditions. Instead of outflanking a heavily fortified area with overwhelming forcers, they had to attack from the direction most expected, with insufficient forces. The result, high casualties and modest achievements. This is the background of yesterday's surprise effective dismissal of OC northern Command Maj. General Udi Adam. According to various media sources, Olmert was incensed at Adam's remarks that he had not been allowed to fight the war that had been planned. Adam allegedly made these remarks in response to criticism against his running of the war, and the results so far achieved. Olmert's responsibility for inaction goes much further. The US administration had given Israel the green light to attack Syria. A senior military source has confirmed to Israel Insider that Israel did indeed receive a green light from Washington in this regard, but Olmert nixed it. The scenario was that Syria, no military match for Israel, would face a rapid defeat, forcing it to run to Iran, with which it has a defense pact, to come to aid. Iran, which would be significantly contained by the defeat of its sole ally in the region, would have found itself maneuvered between a rock and a hard place. If it chose to honor its commitment to Syria, it would face a war with Israel and the US, both with military capabilities far superior to Iran's. If Teheran opted to default on its commitment to Damascus, it would be construed by the entire region, including the restless Iranian population, as a conspicuous show of weakness by the regime. Fascist regimes such as that of the ayatollahs cannot easily afford to show that kind of weakness. As previously mentioned, Iran's military capabilities are no match for Israel's. Bottom line, all Iran could do is to launch missiles at and hit Israel's cities, and try and carry out terror attacks. If there is one thing history has shown, it is that such methods do not win wars. Israel would undoubtedly suffer both civilian casualties and economic damage, but these would not be that much more than what we are already experiencing. We have already irreversibly lost an entire tourist season. Any Iranian and Syrian missile offensives would be relatively short, as they are further form Israel, and therefore would have to be carried out by longer range missiles. These, by their very nature are much bigger and more complex weapons than Katyushas. They cannot be hidden underground, and require longer launch preparations, increasing their vulnerability to air operations. In addition it is precisely for such kinds of missiles that the Arrow system was developed. The end result would be some additional economic damage, and probably around 500 civilian casualties. It may sound cold blooded, but Israel can afford such casualties, which would be less than those sustained in previous wars (for the record, in 1948 Israel lost 6,000, 1% of the entire population, and in 1967 and 1973 we lost respectively 1,000 and 3,000 casualties). The gains, however, would be significant. The Iranian nuclear threat, the most dangerous existential threat Israel has faced since 1948, would be eliminated. It would also change the momentum, which over the past two decades as been with the ayatollahs. This could also have a major impact on the PA, hastening the demise of the Islamist Hamas administration. Instead, according to military sources, Israel finds itself getting bogged down by a manifestly inferior enemy, due to the limitations placed on the IDF by the political leadership. This has been construed by the enemy as a clear sign that Israel is in the hands of a leadership not up to the task, lacking the required experience, guts and willpower. In the Middle East this is an invitation to court disaster, as witness by Iran's and Syria's increased boldness in significantly upping the ante of their involvement in the war. Some senior officers have been mentioning the C-word in private conversations. They have been saying that a coup d'etat might be the only way to prevent an outcome in Lebanon that could embolden the Arab world to join forces with Syria and Iran in an all out assault on Israel, given the fact that such a development would be spurred entirely by the Arab and Moslem world's perception of Israel's leadership as weak, craven and vacillating, and therefore ripe for intimidation. Seeing the once invincible IDF being stalemated by Hezbollah's 3,000 troops is a sure way to radiate an aura of weakness that in the Middle East could precipitate attacks by sharks smelling blood. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
IDF officials: Maj. Gen. Adam must quit post after war |
2006-08-09 |
What began as a "technical procedure" of appointing Deputy IDF Chief of Staff Major-General Moshe Kaplinksy to the Northern Command, on Wednesday turned into a true shake-up in the upper rungs of the Israel Defense Forces. As things currently stand, it appears that ![]() According to the official, IDF Chief of Staff Lieutenant-General Dan Halutz "can't dismiss such a high-ranking officer during wartime. Therefore he adopted a procedure which moves him away from the frontlines, with a heavy hint towards the future." Halutz issued a statement in which he expressed full faith in the Northern Command and in Major-General Adam, however, according to the official, "If the chief of staff really supported Major-General Adam, he would say so in front of the cameras, in his own voice. The fact that he didn't says everything." Major-General Adam was appointed to lead the Northern Command in the beginning of October 2005. His appointment surprised many in the ranks of the army. Adam, head of the Technology and Logistics department of the IDF, was not considered one of the leading candidates for the post. "Everyone thought that Udi Adam would enjoy operational quiet like during the period of (his predecessor) Benny Ganz, and he would have no problem fulfilling the role. People forgot that the north can ignite at any moment because there's an enemy sitting right there across the border, and then things would erupt in turmoil," a military official explained. IDF sources noted problems arising from Adam's reserved character. "He is a closed person, rather stubborn, and not particularly well-liked," he said. Adam, who came from the armored tank corps, was described as "a direct man, hard-working, who keeps away from cameras and headlines, meticulous and impressive." Those among both the lower and upper echelons of the IDF recognized the awkwardness of the situation. One officer said, "Chief of Staff Halutz appointed him to the position; he was the one who picked him so he's the one who should stand behind him and back him up fully. He can add all sorts of senior officers to the Command to help and coordinate, but to appoint the deputy chief of staff that's a slap in the face. It creates a problematic situation. Who makes the decisions in the Northern Command now? Adam or Kaplinsky? Who bangs his fist on the table and decides?" Officers in the Northern Command revealed that lately difficult conversations have taken place between Adam and Halutz, chiefly regarding the Northern Command's operations, or rather, their inactivity. On the other hand, the question must be asked why is it that Maj. Gen. Adam is being held accountable for the situation. |
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Israel-Palestine-Jordan |
New Israeli General Oversees Lebanon Offensive |
2006-08-09 |
JERUSALEM (AP) - The commander of the Israeli military on Tuesday appointed his deputy to oversee Israel's battles in Lebanon, a dramatic mid-offensive shift sidelining the head of the northern command. The military announced the appointment of Maj. Gen. Moshe Kaplinksi in a statement on Tuesday. Israeli media linked it to plans to intensify the offensive in Lebanon as well as to mounting public criticism of the army's handling of the conflict with Hezbollah guerrillas. Though the military denied it, the appointment looked like a shake-up of the top command on the Lebanon front in the midst of a campaign, a highly unusual move. Writing in the Haaretz daily, veteran military analyst Zeev Schiff said the new appointment signaled serious command problems. "Clearly, the change in the command leadership is not good for Adam personally," he wrote, referring to the head of the northern command, Maj. Gen. Udi Adam. "But it also sends a negative signal to the army and the public at large." The last time a similar switch was made was during the 1973 Mideast war, when generals in the army reserves, including former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, were sent to the southern command to effectively take over from the general in charge, Shmuel Gorodish, in the battle against Egypt. The army statement said the chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, retained "complete confidence" in Adam, and the military would not comment further on the reasons for Kaplinski's appointment. But Adam was clearly dispirited by the news. Asked by Israel TV whether he would resign, Adam said he did not intend to quit while the fighting still raged, but said he would "consider his position" if it became clear he was being supplanted. "At this stage, one has to rise above it," he said. "I have to keep my head clear for the war. There are soldiers in the field who are fighting with courage ... soldiers are being killed, I don't think I can abandon them now." |
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