India-Pakistan |
Police arrest AJK 'faith healer' accused of raping, blackmailing women followers |
2017-07-22 |
[DAWN] A fake pir (faith healer), who is accused of blackmailing numerous women after raping and filming them, was on Friday remanded to police custody till July 29 by a trial court in the capital of Azad Jammu and Kashmire (AJK). The accused, Mian Mohammad Tanzeem, 55, had reportedly been running his extortion racket in a densely-populated area of Muzaffarabad for more than a decade. He was finally netted by the police after an informant tipped off City Police SHO Rashid Habib Masoodi with evidence of his reprehensible activities. The police secretly surveilled the accused for two days before finally raiding the three-room "Aastana Aaliya", his den, on Thursday afternoon after securing permission from sub-divisional magistrate Asim Khalid Awan. The aastana was part of the accused's house, but his family seems to have disassociated themselves from him due to his activities, SHO Masoodi told Dawn. The first room of the aastana was a reception and waiting room; the second room was where the accused met his victims, while the third was a luxurious bedroom where the accused had installed three hidden cameras. The accused, who would also practice quackery and black magic, would lure female followers into visiting him alone, administer sedatives to them and then rape them in the bedroom, SHO Masoodi said. He would film his victims with the hidden cameras installed in the room and then blackmail them on their next visit. He would ask for money and gold in return for his silence, the police official added. Police said the fake pir would avoid targeting local followers and instead would prey on women from other districts. "Most of his victims were therefore from other districts, such as Rawalpindi, Islamabad, Attock and Mirpur," the SHO said. The accused would force his victims, with the threat of releasing their videos, to lure more women to his place. SHO Masoodi said that the fake pir did not offer much resistance when the police raided his place. "Initially he asked us why we were raiding his place. When he was told that the police possessed substantial evidence about his abhorrent practices, he instantly confessed to his crimes," he said. The fake pir also handed over a laptop which carried substantial incriminating evidence of his activities. Police have booked the man for violation of Sections 419, 420 and 354-A of the Azad Kashmire Penal Code and Sections 6 and 10 of the Zina Hudood Ordinance. The last three crimes are punishable with lifetime imprisonment. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Dictators did more for Islamisation, says Sherani |
2016-03-05 |
That should tell you something right there. [DAWN] The Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) noted on Thursday that only dictators had worked towards the ‘Islamisation’ of laws in the country, whereas democratic governments -- especially the PML-N -- had been working against Islamic norms. The council also formally rejected Punjab’s recently-passed Protection of Women bill, as well as the draft of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa ... formerly NWFP, still Terrorism Central... ’s Domestic Violence bill for encouraging Western norms in society. Following the conclusion of the two-day CII meeting, Maulana Mohammad Khan Sherani and several council members denounced subsequent democratic governments for failing to ensure that all laws of the country are formulated in accordance with Islam. "Pakistain was established on the basis of the two-nation theory and one of those nations are the followers of Islam. Therefore, all laws and principles in the country have to be in accordance with Islam," Maulana Sherani said, adding, "But nearly all efforts to bring all laws under the ambit of Sharia have been undertaken in undemocratic eras." He said that while the CII was established in 1962, six laws -- including the Hudood Ordinance and the blasphemy law -- were formulated on the recommendations of council in 1983, while the Objectives Resolution of 1949 was incorporated into the Constitution in 1985. "These milestones towards Islamisation were achieved in undemocratic eras, but the PML-N, which carries the name ‘Muslim League’, is trying to undo all Islamic structures in the country," Maulana Sherani maintained. He was referring to the two bills scrutinised by the council on Thursday. While the Punjab 1.) Little Orphan Annie's bodyguard 2.) A province of Pakistain ruled by one of the Sharif brothers 3.) A province of India. It is majority (60 percent) Sikh and Hindoo (37 percent), which means it has relatively few Moslem riots.... Assembly has already approved the Protection of Women bill, the KP draft bill is unique in that this is the first instance in Pakistain’s history where a province has asked the CII to whet a law. "Both the bills -- the Punjab law and the KP draft -- are contrary to Sharia, our culture and the norms of our society," the CII chief said. Both bills, he claimed, aimed to undo ‘family values’ as there was no mention of respectable relations such as mothers, sons/daughters, husbands and wives. "The bills contain the terms ‘male/female child, persons etc’, which discourages relations based on family values -- promoting the way they live in the West," Maulana Sherani said, as other holy mans belonging to the Shia, Deobandi and Barelvi sects nodded in appreciation. The lone woman in the CII, Dr Samia Raheel Qazi, was also among them. The CII chairman said that another conspiracy to break the family structures was bringing women out of the protection of their homes. "Now they want to encourage women to kick their husbands out and see them in chains -- eventually the state and authorities will be in a position to control society," he added. The CII chief was asked if there were any alternative solutions for the issues and problems that had led Punjab t pass the bill. "The solution is that Punjab should undo this Bill and then forward a formal request to the CII to suggest ways and means for the protection of women from domestic violence," he said, adding that laws against domestic violence were already present in the Pakistain Penal Code. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Struggle for justice |
2015-02-12 |
![]() Politicians and demagogues alike have repeatedly used the sanction and ready acceptance of misconstrued religious teachings to promote their own political ideologies and motives. Such is the captivation with faith that Paks en masse submit themselves to the averments of the pseudo-Islamic politician and are led astray without even attempting to consider the authenticity of the propagator's claims. This bolsters tribal customs and, effectively, the patriarchal construct of the society that supports inequality and the subjugation of women. In 2006, president Musharraf was applauded for his efforts, as it was his regime's concept of 'enlightened moderation' that led to the new legislation to empower women. This transpired through the enactment of the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act, 2006 (PWA), which, to the delight of civil society activists, after 27 years of struggle, amended the draconian Hudood Ordinances. By virtue of the amendment, rape now comes under Section 375 of the Pakistain Penal Code 1860 and removes the evidentiary requirement of four male eyewitnesses. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Redefining terrorism |
2013-09-30 |
![]() The ATA was enacted with a specific purpose: To provide for the prevention of terrorism, sectarian violence and for speedy trial of heinous offences. The ATA defines acts of terror under Section 6 of the said Act. This is a broad definition which covers everything from intimidation of state authorities to acts calculated to create insecurity in society. However, nothing needs reforming like other people's bad habits... when it comes to implementation, we have seen that the law has failed to deliver because of its creative application in cases where it does not apply. For example, in what has to be a case of turning the intent on its head, this year members of the Ahmadi community in Gulshan Ravi were charged under the ATA after a group of brigands invaded their place of worship and destroyed their property. The brigands then got the police to register an FIR under the said law because during their illegal raid, they chanced upon religious material of the community which supposedly offended their religious sensibilities. Even otherwise, the application of the law in cases unrelated to terrorism has contributed to the dilution of its legal effect. The Shahzeb murder case is one such glaring example. It was an open and shut case of murder arising out of a dispute, yet through an amazing feat of legal gymnastics it was fit into the definition of terrorism under Section 6 of the ATA. Consequently when the matter was resolved through Qisas and Diyat (Q&D) Ordinance, the ATA indictment fell through the gaps. Indeed the indictment under the ATA was most probably done in order to bypass the Q&D Ordinance. Herein lies the rub: If we are to accept the logic used in the Shahzeb case, every instance of premeditated murder can ostensibly be placed within the definition of terrorism under the ATA. But then this would defeat the original intent behind enacting the ATA in the first place, i.e. the creation of a parallel special court to deal with matters of terrorism. Similarly, in Mukhtaran Mai's rape case, the perpetrators of the heinous crime were charged under Section 7(c) and 21(1) of the ATA because it was deemed to be an act of terrorism. There is a very logical reason why high profile murder or rape cases are put into the terrorism bucket. It is because the prosecutors just don't have sufficient faith in the primary statutes governing murder or rape. However, a clean conscience makes a soft pillow... the answer to this is not to throw everything at the accused hoping something would stick. It is to ensure that primary statutes for cases such as murder and rape under the Pakistain Penal Code are sufficiently effective in dispensing justice. This would mean fewer, and not more laws. For example, the Q&D Ordinance as well as the Hudood Ordinances are distractions from the cause of justice whether we like to admit it or not. It goes without saying that these laws are based on very selective interpretations of Islamic jurisprudence which serve the orthodoxy by elevating form over substance. This is why till the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act 2006 was formulated, rape victims were being charged under the Zina Ordinance while their rapists went about scot free. Unfortunately, we do not learn from history. The Council of Islamic Ideology under the extremely narrow leadership of Maulana Sherani has already moved to undo the many good things about the Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act 2006. Individuals accused of murder or rape not for ideological reasons may well object to the ATA indictments as being ultra vires Article 10-A, the right to fair trial, of the Constitution. Then we come to terrorism. There is a great need to make the definition of terrorism narrow and focused. To begin with terrorism includes within its ambit only those acts of violence which are perpetrated against civilian populations and civil authorities. Furthermore, these should also be limited by the existence of pre-meditated as well as an ideological motive, i.e. ethnic separatism or jihadi pretensions. All other forms of violence must then be referred to the regular criminal legal stream under various laws such as incitement, rape, murder, disorder, etc. Unless we give the special anti-terrorism courts the room to breathe, the whole exercise of amending the ATA will be futile. What is needed at this moment is a law that specifically targets violence intended to create terror in society on political grounds. Any and all acts from murder or dissemination of proscribed publications can then be brought into the ambit of the ATA provided that these actions stem from an ideological motive and the intent to carry out attacks against non-combatant civilian populations and civil authorities of the country. Reprehensible as certain crimes may be, the adequate remedy for any other crime should not lie before the ATA. To insist otherwise is a grave violation of Article 10-A of the Constitution as well as patently absurd given that the nation is at war against terrorism. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
CII rules out DNA as primary evidence in rape cases |
2013-09-24 |
![]() Addressing a presser, the Council's chairman, Maulana Muhammad Khan Sherani, said that though DNA testing was a useful and modern technique for supporting evidence, it alone could not be used as primary evidence. He added that the court of law could decide in light of the DNA test, when it was used with other evidences as a supporting material. He said the council had also rejected the Women's Protection Act of 2006, saying its provisions were not in line with Islamic injunctions, adding that the Hudood Ordinance dealt with all these offenses. He said Islam sets procedures to determine crime cases of rape. Earlier, the Council had convened to review recommendations from its members regarding DNA to be used as evidence in rape cases and possible amendments to Pakistain's blasphemy laws. It was earlier reported that the council was discussing a proposal to award the death sentence to people making false accusations under the blasphemy law. Allama Tahir Ashrafi was reported as saying that such an amendment would ensure "nobody dares to use religion to settle personal scores". However, there's more than one way to skin a cat... Maulana Sherani in his presser today said that the existing blasphemy laws should not be amended and that the Pakistain Penal Code already had sections which dealt with sentences for those who misused any law of the land. He said that the judge in such cases could resort to those relevant sections to award sentences. Sherani also said the council had unanimously decided that no member shall comment on any decision of the council's meeting unless the matter was elaborated and explained in a blurb or press briefing by the body. Replying to a question, he stated that every institution played its own role and the Islamic Ideology Council was performing its job as guiding body and the powers to implement those recommendations did not rest with it. |
Link |
India-Pakistan | |
War drums and identity | |
2011-10-04 | |
[Dawn] ![]()
At the All-Party Conference, sworn enemies joined hands to champion Pak illusory sovereignty, and, in the words of our information minister, "the majority consensus ... turned into a unanimous consensus". Across print and electronic media, there have been calls for bickering politicians to give it a rest so that Pakistain can unite under the glorious banner of jihad. We have beaten our chests and the dull ache that remains is meant to be a sorry substitute for nationalism. At other times, we are Sindhis, Mohajirs, Baloch or Pakhtuns. We are Sunni, Ahl-e-Hadith, Ahmedi or Christian. Secularists or Islamists. Pipliyas or Noon-Leaguers. Burgers or UMTs. It is only when an outsider supposedly poses an existential threat that we become Paks. The madness that normally defines us is channelled into a mad love for the country. Rather than spare a thought for what Pakistain represents, we obsess over which external enemy wants to break it apart. For years, that enemy has been India. This past week, it has been the US. Sometimes, it's a strange combination of the two. And if you're an adherent of Zaid Hamid's, it's the unlikely trifecta of India, the US and Israel coming together with nothing better to do than destabilise Pakistain. The more threats we face from the big bad world, the more easily we are distracted from our divisive politics. After 1947, Pakistain had to define itself as 'not India'. That definition necessitated demonising India and constructing our national identity as a process of negation: we are not Indians; we are not Hindus; we are not South Asians. What are we then? The answer to that question should have been: 'we are Pak'. But the early failure to articulate that national identity, along with its values, aspirations and reach, led to a more feeble response. Instead of grappling with the difficult question of identity, we opted for the most obvious, most coherent label: 'we are Mohammedans'. From the start, a religious identity has been a poor substitute for a national identity, as demonstrated by the anti-Ahmedi riots of the 1950s, the independence of East Pakistain, the public protests against the Hudood Ordinances. In recent years, gunnies have further devastated the rationale of using Islam as the glue that binds Pakistain. Mohammedan jacket wallahs kill Mohammedans at prayer; Mohammedan-majority sectarian groups kill Mohammedan minorities; Mohammedan state security forces kill Mohammedan separatists; Mohammedan bodyguards kill Mohammedan governors; and other Mohammedan countries like Kuwait want to have nothing to do with us as they issue blanket visa bans for Paks. Just as our national identity was coming up for review, just as we were being forced by the spiralling situation to assess the basis of our national identity and reconsider what we mean by Pak, we have found another external enemy. No longer do we need to consider what we stand for, what we collectively believe in, or what we jointly pursue as a polity. We now know that being Pak means being anti-American, united in the cause of jihad against US boots on the ground. Pakistain's need to define itself against external enemies has been previously recognised, but its implications for democracy are less understood. The repeated failure of democracy in Pakistain does not only stem from the lack of education and incurable corruption of politicos. To a large extent, democracy fails because Paks do not know what they are voting for when they go to the polls. Democracy thrives when a population subscribes to the idea of a nation and believes that its collective values and aspirations are worth pursuing. Democracy is proactive -- you take the initiative to vote because you want to claim a stake in the dream that your national identity offers. 'India Shining'. Brazil's 'Order and Progress'. Indonesia's 'Together We Can'. 'America's 'Yes We Can'. Enshrined in these clichéd political slogans are collective goals -- higher literacy rates, economic development, innovation, Olympic gold medals, space programmes. These are examples of nationalism founded on recognition of what is wrong with a country and what could be better. 'Pakistain Khappay' doesn't quite have the same ring, especially since it is imbued with the irony of meaning radically different things in the ethnic languages spoken across Pakistain. Without a coherent national identity -- a joint vision or goal -- you cannot inspire the activism that democracy necessitates. You cannot vote simply to hate an external enemy. You cannot vote for war. You cannot vote for what you are not. In the absence of the activism of democracy, you are left with the fatalism of patronage. A nation that obsesses over external threats is one that values patronage, because patronage means protection from what may come. Valuing patronage is in some ways the antithesis of voting in a democracy: rather than shape your future, you seek protection from it. Ironically, patronage also nullifies the future possibility of democracy because it reiterates the importance of that which is local -- kinship, ethnicity, language, sect -- over what is national. As long as we seek protection from an external enemy, we will seek patrons, even if they come in uniform --and it is thus that history readies to repeat itself. | |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Shariat Court knocks out 3 sections of women's protection act |
2010-12-23 |
[Dawn] The Federal Shariat Court has declared as unconstitutional and un-Islamic three sections of the Protection of Women Act 2006, holding that these take away the overriding effects of the Hudood Ordinance 1979. A three-member FSC bench comprising Chief Justice Agha Rafiq Ahmed Khan, Justice Afzaal Haider and Justice Shahzado Sheikh announced its verdict on Wednesday on identical petitions challenging the act. It declared that sections 11, 28 and 29 incorporated in the Hudood Ordinance during the Musharraf government were in violation of Article 203DD of the Constitution. The court asked the government to take necessary steps to amend the impugned laws in conformity with the Holy Koran and Sunnah. The FSC also held that Section 25 of the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 was against Article 203DD of the Constitution. The court directed its office to send copies of the judgment to the federal government and provincial and Islamabad high courts for information, necessary action and compliance. The court ordered that the sections should cease to be effective from June 22 next year and the judgment should also stand operative from that day. The court order said: "All those offences whose punishments are either prescribed or left undermined, relating to acts forbidden or disapproved by the Holy Koran and Sunnah, including all such acts which are akin, auxiliary, analogous or supplementary to or germane with Hudood offences as well as preparation or abetment or attempt to commit such an offence and as such made culpable by legislative instruments would without fail be covered by the meaning and scope of the term Hudood. "Its (FSC) jurisdiction in the matters relating to Hudood under Article 203DD of the Constitution is exclusive and pervades the entire spectrum of orders passed or decisions given by any criminal court under any law relating to the enforcement of Hudood and no other court is empowered to entertain appeal, revision or reference in such cases. "No legislative instrument can control, regulate or amend its exclusive jurisdiction which was mandated in the Constitution. An order granting or refusing bail before conclusion of trial in all categories of offences within the ambit of Hudood is covered by the word 'proceedings' used in Article 203DD, is within its (FSC) exclusive jurisdiction and can only be impugned before it (FSC). "Ten offences, including Zina (adultery, fornication and rape), Liwatat (sexual intercourse against the order of nature), Qazaf (imputation of zina), Shurb (alcoholic drinks, intoxications, narcotics etc), Sarqa (theft simpliciter), Haraba (robbery, highway robbery, dacoity and all categories of offences against property as mentioned in PPC), Irtdada (apostasy), Baghy (treason, waging war against state, all categories of offences mentioned in PPC)) Qisasa (right of retaliation in offences against human body) and human trafficking, are covered by the terms Hudood for the purpose of Article 203DD. "Sections 11 and 28 of the PWA 2006 are declared violative of Article 203DD of the Constitution because these provisions annul the overriding effect of Hudood Ordinances VII and VIII of 1979. "Some portions of sections 48 and 49 of the Control of Narcotic Substances Act 1997 whereby the high courts have been empowered to entertain appeals against the order of a special court consisting of a sessions judge or an additional sessions judge, transfer within its territorial jurisdiction any case from one special court to another special court at any stage of the proceedings, were also violative of the provisions contained in Chapter 3A of Part VII of the Constitution because the offences envisaged by Act XV of 1997 are covered by the term Hudood." |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
'Fatwa' justifies Musharraf's murder |
2010-10-24 |
Political leaders and religious scholars made a unanimous declaration justifying the murder of former president Gen (r) Pervez PervMusharraf in Dire Revenge™ for killing Akbar Bugti and other innocent people, including students of Jamia Hafsa in Islamabad during his government. The Jamhoori Watan Party of Talal Akbar Bugti sponsored the conference on Saturday in which prominent religious scholars and politicians participated and signed a joint declaration against Musharraf justifying his killing. The Jamaat-e-Islami, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, Majlis Wahdat Muslimeen Pakistain, Shia Ulema Council Balochistan, Tanzeem-e-Islam Pakistain, JUI-S and religious scholars participated in the conference. The theme of the conference was 'If Salman Rushdi deserved to be killed, why not Musharraf, who was responsible for killing innocent people and also of desecration of the holy Koran at Jamia Hafsa'. The speakers criticised Musharraf for his unpardonable crimes against humanity and held him solely responsible for killing thousands of Balochs in a military operation, students of Jamia Hafsa, violation of the constitution, making changes in the Hudood Ordinance, insulting Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan, handing over Dr Aafia Siddiqui and Abdul Salam Asif to the US, violating the sanctity of mosques, and other unpardonable crimes against society and the state. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Benazir Bhutto, a kleptocrat in a Hermes scarf |
2007-10-31 |
By Jemima Khan![]() I admit I'm biased. I don't like Benazir Bhutto. She called me names during her election campaign in 1996 and it left a bitter taste. Petty personal grievances aside, I still find jubilant reports of her return to Pakistan depressing. Let's be clear about this before she's turned into a martyr. This is no Aung San Suu Kyi, despite her repeated insistence that she's "fighting for democracy", or even more incredibly, "fighting for Pakistan's poor". This is the woman who was twice dismissed on corruption charges. She went into self-imposed exile while investigations continued into millions she had allegedly stashed away into Swiss bank accounts ($1.5 billion by the reckoning of Musharraf's own "National Accountability Bureau"). She has only been able to return because Musharraf, that megalomaniac, knows that his future depends on the grassroots diehard supporters inherited from her father's party, the PPP. As a result, Musharraf, who in his first months in power declared it his express intention to wipe out corruption, has dropped all charges against her and granted her immunity from prosecution. Forever. Notably, he did not do the same for his other political rival, Nawaz Sharif, who was recently deported after attempting his own spectacular return to Pakistan. But the difference is that Benazir is a pro at playing to the West. And that's what counts. She talks about women and extremism and the West applauds. And then conspires. The Americans and the British are acutely aware that their strategy in the region is failing and that Musharraf's hold on power is ever more tenuous. They have pressed hard for Benazir and the General to cut a deal that would allow them to share power for the next five years in a "liberal forces government". It's all totally bogus. Benazir may speak the language of liberalism and look good on Larry King's sofa, but both her terms in office were marked by incompetence, extra-judicial killings and brazen looting of the treasury, with the help of her husband famously known in Pakistan as Mr 10 Per Cent. In a country that tops the international corruption league, she was its most self-enriching leader. Benazir has always cynically used her gender to manipulate: I loved her answer to David Frost when he asked her how many millions she had in her Swiss bank accounts. "David, I think that's a very sexist question." A non sequitur (does loot have a gender?) but one that brought the uncomfortable line of questioning to a swift end. Of all Pakistan's elected leaders she conspicuously did the least to help the cause of women. She never, for example, repealed the Hudood Ordinances, Pakistan's controversial laws that made no distinction between rape and adultery. She preferred instead to kowtow to the mullahs in order to cling to power, forming an expedient alliance with Pakistan's Religious Coalition Party and leaving Pakistan's women as powerless as she found them. The problem is that the West never seems to learn; playing favourites in a complicated nation's politics always backfires. Imposing Benazir on Pakistan is the opposite of democratic and doubtless will cause more chaos in an already unstable country. Make no mistake, Benazir may look the part, but she's as ruthless and conniving as they come a kleptocrat in a Hermes headscarf. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Games historians play |
2007-08-07 |
By Irfan Husain HISTORIANS are fond of playing a game known as What if? in which they try to picture a world where a different set of decisions had been taken at a key juncture. Thus, what would have happened had Hitler not invaded the Soviet Union? What would the world be like today had Nazi Germany won the Second World War? In the same spirit, heres a game for readers: What would the subcontinent be like today had it not been partitioned 60 years ago? Had both Congress and the Muslim League accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan and they were desperately close to an agreement India would have remained intact, albeit as a country with three confederating units. Would we have been better or worse off in such an arrangement? In terms of physical development, I have little doubt that Pakistan has benefited from Partition. In physical infrastructure as well as social, political and intellectual development, the areas that constituted Pakistan on August 14, 1947, were some of the most backward in the subcontinent. Since then, the country has seen considerable progress. Roads, hospitals, universities and schools have been built. Muslim entrepreneurs who migrated to the new state brought capital and business skills, and have created banks, mills and factories. And in a semi-arid country, new farming techniques have created a green revolution. For me, the transplantation of mango varieties is the most welcome aspect of this development. In fact, had it not been for Pakistans inexorable population growth, we would all be much better off today, with fewer people demanding their share of the small but growing cake. Of course, it can be argued that most of these changes would have occurred in an undivided India. But given our neighbours slow economic progress in the first three decades of Independence, I doubt that enough resources would have gone to the periphery. Also, no Partition would have meant that no mass migration would have taken place. This in turn means that most of the skills and capital that crossed the new border in 1947 would not have been available to this part of the subcontinent. Factors that led to Pakistans relatively rapid progress in the fifties and sixties include liberal economic policies, as well as our pro-western stance. This gave us access to capital and modern technology. Meanwhile, India was being governed under the Congress partys socialist vision that included a tightly regulated economy that yielded what is now known as the Hindu rate of growth. So all in all, my guess is that in economic terms, Pakistan has benefited from Partition. It is in the non-physical areas that our growth has remained stunted. Had the subcontinent not been divided into two (and later three) components, we would not all have squandered such vast resources on defence. With the trillions that have gone into the black hole of military budgets, the government could have doubled and tripled the expenditure on health, education, culture and sports. As a confederating unit of India, the area today known as Pakistan would not have suffered from the identity crisis that has seen it position itself as an adjunct to the Middle East. This, and the exclusion of the army from political life, would have reduced the religious fervour that has brought the Taliban wolf to our door. Indeed, one of the factors fuelling the rise of extremism in Pakistan has been the perception of the existential threat that (Hindu) India poses to us. This has been matched by the rise of the Hindutva religious nationalism in India reflected by the Shiv Sena and the BJP. These organisations use the (Muslim) Pakistan threat to drum up support, in the same way governments and religious and right-wing parties play the India card here. Living under a secular constitution would have made life a lot easier for our minorities. They would not have to live in fear under the Damocles sword of our iniquitous blasphemy laws, and would be equal citizens. Women, too, would have benefited, and not been subject to random prosecution as under Ziaul Haqs infamous Hudood Ordinances. In the international arena, an undivided India would have long been a powerhouse. With around 1.5 billion people, it would have provided an even larger market for imported and locally produced goods. Culturally, we would have benefited from much greater diversity than we have now. Pakistan is a monochromatic society where women have not been allowed to play their true role in society. By contrast, they are highly visible in all Indian cities. And with more exposure to literature and the arts, our cultural life would have been that much richer. In sports, too, a combined population of 1.5 billion would have produced world-beating teams: imagine a cricket team representing the entire subcontinent! There is a perception that had Partition not taken place, Muslims would have been oppressed by the Hindu majority. But half a billion Muslims are not a small minority that can be kicked around. As it is, about 160 million Muslims still live in India.Similar numbers in the areas that constitute Bangladesh and Pakistan today would have ensured that Muslims carried substantial political clout. And had Indian Muslims not faced the kind of isolation caused by Partition, they would not be the marginalised community they are now. Politically, we would not have been subjugated by the army as we are today. As a result, parliament and the judiciary would have been functioning with far greater freedom than they have done here over the last six decades. Indeed, we would be a far freer people than we are. At the end of the day, there are going to be winners and losers. Through Partition, many people gained, while others lost out. Many fortunes were made as a direct result of the scams arising out of the purchase of property claims submitted by refugees. Thousands of well-off people, caught up in the stampede created by the riots of 1947, were made destitute. Other migrants prospered due to the lack of competition in the new state. Of course, all these are highly speculative projections, and if I have offended readers on either side of the Great Divide, let me remind them that this is just a game. And everybody can play. |
Link |
India-Pakistan |
Introduction of Women's Protection Act: Pakistani rulers have invited divine wrath: JD |
2007-08-03 |
![]() Hafiz Saeed told a JD meeting that ever since the new act was implemented every step the government took generated trouble for it. He said rulers should not expect any improvement in the crises faced by Pakistan till they asked for forgiveness for ridiculing Islamic laws. The meeting held between the JD central leadership discussed the current situation in the country. Hafiz Abdur Rahman Makki, Maulana Ameer Hamza, Saifullah Mansoor, Saifullah Khalid, Muhammad Yahya Mujahid and Hafiz Khalid Waleed were in attendance. Hafiz Saeed said JD had collection 11.5 million signatures against the Womens Protection Bill during its public signature collection campaign. However, the rulers ignored the solid verdict by the people of Pakistan. |
Link |
India-Pakistan | |||
Amputation sentence without witnesses un-Islamic | |||
2007-06-23 | |||
![]()
During the hearing of an appeal, the FSC bench said that if judges continued awarding sentences without fulfilling the condition of Tazkiya Al-Shahood, thousands of robbers in Karachi would lose their hands and legs due to the increasing incidents of robberies there. The bench said the judges must observe whether or not the witnesses met the requirement of Tazkiya Al-Shahood while convicting under the Hadd (sentencing a person under Section 17(3) of the Offence against Property or Enforcement of Hudood Ordinance, 1979) and that a trial court must first conduct a proper inquiry to find out if the witnesses had committed any offences. | |||
Link |