Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz | Crown Prince Abdullah | Saudi Princes | Middle East | 20030118 | |||||
Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz | Saudi Princes | Arabia | Saudi | Supremo | 20020513 | ||||
De facto ruler of Saudi Arabia. King Fahd is incapacitated by a stroke. |
Home Front: WoT | |||
Cambridge Mosque Contacted FBI To Identify Bombing Suspects Last Friday | |||
2013-04-25 | |||
[DailyCaller] The Islamic Society of Boston (ISB), the Cambridge, Mass., mosque attended by Boston Marathon bombing suspects Tamerlan and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, contacted the FBI to identify the suspects on Friday, April 19, a mosque spokeswoman confirmed to the Daily Caller.
By the time the mosque contacted the FBI, the suspects had allegedly shot an MIT police officer and engaged in a fiery ...a single two-syllable word carrying connotations of both incoherence and viciousness. A fiery delivery implies an audience of rubes and yokels, preferably forming up into a mob... shootout with law enforcement in Watertown, Mass., where Tamerlan was killed. "We were the ones who reached out to them. We contacted them on Friday, once we became aware" of the suspects' identity based on the photos, ISB spokesperson Nichole Mossalam told TheDC. The FBI first released photos of the suspects Thursday evening. After causing a previous disturbance in Nov., 2012, on Jan. 18, 2013, Tamerlan interrupted an ISB preacher who had praised Martin Luther King, Jr., calling him a "nonbeliever," before being shouted down by other attendees, ISB said Monday. A handful of volunteer mosque leaders confronted Tamerlan and told him he would not be welcomed if he continued to interrupt the sermons, ISB said. Tamerlan continued to attend congregational prayers after that and did not cause further disturbances.
Additionally, according to the Sun, Alamoudi raised funds for Al Qaeda. In addition, according to an op-ed in the Jerusalem Post co-authored by local pro-Israel activist Charles Jacobs, a man named Jamal Badawi is allegedly a trustee of the ISB Cultural Center. Badawi was an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land Foundation trial.
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Home Front: WoT |
Subpoenas Issued in Terror-Finance Probe Spark Secret Battle in Fed.Court |
2007-03-22 |
Hat tip Instapundit. What's been going on with the investigation of Muslim charities in Virginia, including the Sami al Arian hunger strike. Hint: lots! Dozens of grand jury subpoenas issued in recent months in a terrorism financing investigation of Muslim charities in northern Virginia have spawned a largely secret legal battle before a federal appeals court, according to court records and a person close to the investigation. One of the appeals involves former Florida college professor, Sami Al-Arian, who pleaded guilty last year to a terrorism-support charge and is currently on a hunger strike to protest a judge's order jailing him for refusing to testify before a Virginia-based grand jury. Court filings indicate that the inquiry into terrorism financing and possible embargo violations began soon after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In March 2002, federal agents served search warrants at more than a dozen locations in northern Virginia, including the International Institute for Islamic Thought (IIIT) think tank. A similar operation Al-Arian ran in Florida, the World Islam & Studies Enterprise, received $55,000 from IIIT in the early 1990s, and an IIIT leader once described the two groups as intertwined. The Virginia investigation has focused primarily on alleged links with the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas, though the government has alleged that Al-Arian's Florida operation was an arm of a rival terrorist organization, Palestinian Islamic Jihad. In 2004, a prominent Muslim leader whose Virginia home was searched in the 2002 raids, Abdurahman Alamoudi, pleaded guilty to repeated violations of the trade embargo with Libya and admitted to involvement in a plot to kill Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Alamoudi, who founded the American Muslim Council and once had entrée at the top levels of the Bush and Clinton administrations, was sentenced to 23 years in prison. In addition, an Egyptian banker, Soliman Biheiri, was convicted on immigration charges and a charge that he lied to investigators about his ties to a Hamas leader, Mousa abu Marzook. Biheiri got two sentences of about a year each and was released in 2005. Since those cases concluded, however, there have been few signs of where the investigation is headed. The New York Sun has learned that one grand jury subpoena issued last year went to a Maryland-based group that espouses political and free-market reforms in the Islamic world, the Minaret of Freedom Institute. The group's president, Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad, said immigration agents visited his home in November 2006, seeking notes about a panel discussion he moderated in 1999 that was broadcast on C-SPAN. The session, titled "The United States and Iran: It's Time to Talk," took place at the American Muslim Council's annual conference. Another reason for prosecutors' interest could be that the Minaret Web site says the panel was organized by a Springfield, Va. think tank, United Associates for Studies and Research. That operation was founded by Mr. abu Marzook, who issued a forceful statement deploring Israel's killing of a Hamas spiritual leader in 2004, and, according to the New York Times, was identified by a Palestinian activist as Hamas's American base of operations. The U.S. attorney in Alexandria, Chuck Rosenberg, declined to comment yesterday about Mr. Ahmad's complaint that the investigation was due to religious bias. However, the prosecutor told the Washington Post last year: "We do not prosecute people because they are Muslims or Catholics or Jews. We prosecute them because they have committed criminal acts that warrant prosecution." Last week, Mr. Rosenberg was named to replace the recently resigned chief of staff to Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. Al-Arian's attorneys also have complained of bias, alleging that the government lawyer directing the Virginia charities probe, Mr. Kromberg, exhibited an anti-Muslim attitude in rejecting Al-Arian's request to delay his appearance until after Ramadan. "If they can kill each other during Ramadan, they can appear before the grand jury; all they can't do is eat before sunset I am not going to put off Dr. Al-Arian's grand jury appearance just to assist in what is becoming the Islamization of America," Mr. Kromberg said, according to a defense court filing. |
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Home Front: WoT |
Ledeen: Iran & W. |
2006-10-31 |
Weve got a lot of issues with Iran, President Bush told a news conference last week. The first is whether or not they will help this young democracy succeed, he said, referring to Iraq. He said the second issue was whether Iran would help the Lebanese government, and that the big issue was whether or not Iran will end up with a nuclear weapon. The heart sinks. Can anyone let alone the president possibly believe that the mullahs might help Iraq succeed? The only success they are interested in is the humiliation of America and the domination of Iraq. Can anyone possibly believe that Iran might help the Lebanese government? The only thing they care about is the destruction of that government, the slaughter or domination of the Maronite Christians, and the creation of an Islamic Republic under the thumb of Hizbollah. And finally, how can anyone possibly believe that the big issue is whether or not Iran will get nukes? The issue is American lives, now being taken in Iraq and Afghanistan by Iranian weapons, killers, and managers. This is not new; it has been going on for 27 years, and we have yet to respond. As I warned both before and after the liberation of Iraq, the Iranians and their Syrian allies, fearing their doom if we succeeded in creating a free Iraq, unleashed a terror war against us and the Iraqi people, just as they had done 20 years before in Lebanon. There is abundant evidence, as Bob Woodward tells us in his latest book, State of Denial. Here are three examples (actually two; the first and third appear to be the same, albeit 60 pages apart): Pages 414-415: Some evidence indicated that the Iranian-backed terrorist group Hezbollah was training insurgents to build and use the shaped IEDs, at the urging of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. That kind of action was arguably an act of war by Iran against the United States. If we start putting out everything we know about these things, Zelikow felt, the administration might well start a fire it couldnt put out... Page 449: The components and the training for (the IEDs) had more and more clearly been traced to Iran, one of the most troubling turns in the war. Page 474ß: The radical Revolutionary Guards Corps had asked Hizbollah, the terrorist organization, to conduct some of the training of Iraqis to use the EFPs, according to U.S. Intelligence. If all this were put out publicly, it might start a fire that no one could put out...Second, if it were true, it meant that Iranians were killing American soldiers an act of war... Its not the first time we have had information about Irans murder of Americans. Louis Freeh tells us that the same thing happened following the Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia. On page 18 of Freehs My FBI he reports that Saudi Ambassador Bandar told Freeh we have the goods, pointing ineluctably towad Iran. The culprits were the same as in Iraq: Hezbollah, under direction from the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence. And then there was a confession from outgoing Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani to Crown Prince Abdullah (at the time, effectively the Saudi king): page 19: the Khobar attack had been planned and carried out with the knowledge of the Iranian supreme ruler, Ayatollah Khamenei. As Freeh puts it, this had been an act of war against the United States of America. Clinton famously failed to respond to Irans act of war. Instead, he attempted to achieve a modus vivendi with the mullahs, the kind of negotiated surrender now so fervently proposed by realists of the Brent Scowcroft/Richard Haass/James Baker school, supported by Henry Kissinger on his pessimistic days. This sort of appeasement has always encouraged enemies like the Iranian theocrats to intensify their attacks on us and on those of their own people who dare to call for freedom, and so it has proven ever since. Is it possible that President Bush is not aware of this history? Just barely. Woodwards account shows that there were at least some policy makers (he cites Zelikow, but there are no doubt others as well) who were very reluctant to pass this information up the line to a president who could be expected to take action after he learned about it. The secretary of State, Colin Powell, was famously unwilling engage the United States involved in support of Iranian dissidents (We dont want to get involved in an Iranian family squabble), and his Deputy, Richard Armitage, actually argued that Iran was a democracy. They would not have wanted the president to know that there were daily Iranian acts of war against the United States. What about the intelligence community? Are they not obliged to inform the president of Iranian acts of war? Indeed they are, but they, too, were concerned about the presidents muscular foreign policy. I was asked by a high-ranking intelligence officer to take it easy on Iran, because, he thought, things were going along nicely, and in a decade or so we could expect an Iranian democracy. But if we got engaged, God only knows what will happen. I suppose he is now one of the happy thinkers who say that Iran wont have nukes for another decade or so. Worse yet, in December, 2001, Iranians meeting secretly with American officials in Rome, informed the United States about Iranian plans to kill coalition soldiers in Afghanistan. The information was correct, and the killers were eliminated. But in short order, orders were given to terminate all such contacts with Iranians, even though the Rome meeting had produced life-saving information. I can well believe that the preside nt was never told about the Iranian-sponsored killers. According to Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, Bob Woodward had eight hours with the president. Did he ever ask if we were at war with Iran? Given the explosive evidence provided in State of Denial, he certainly should have. But if he did, there is no record of it in his book. Perhaps the question was not asked for the same reason the policymakers and spooks didnt want it known that Iran was waging war on us: fear of the consequences. For once you put the Iranian question in that context, its really impossible to pretend that our issues with the mullahs consist of trying to convince them to help freedom in Iraq and Lebanon, and getting them to cooperate in dismantling their nuclear program. Once you are forced to address the facts, all sorts of issues drop into the background. |
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Afghanistan | ||
Omar, Zawahri vow to fight on | ||
2006-06-10 | ||
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US experts on Friday were analysing the videotape attributed to Zawahri, but believe it was recorded before the death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the White House said. Meanwhile, a statement attributed to the Taliban chief said on Friday that the death of al-Zarqawi will not weaken the Iraqi resistance as there are thousands ready to take his place and "even accelerate" the struggle. | ||
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
Al-Qaeda and Chechnya |
2006-03-24 |
An Arab influence continues to transform secessionist efforts in Chechnya into a drive for an Islamic state. Islam, long part of the regions identity, however, was not the impetus for nationalistic movement to separate from Russia, underway since the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union. Al Qaeda has funded Chechen rebels and also trained many in Afghanistan, and the Russian government has taken advantage of such connections, labeling all major opposition movements as an Islamic threat. Yet Russia has 20 million Muslims. So Russian President Vladimir Putin has also tried to mend estranged relations with the government of Saudi Arabia, relying on such diplomacy to combat any notion that his government has an anti-Islamic agenda. Author and researcher Faryal Leghari urges the international community to expect Russia to fulfill its political commitment of extending power to the Chechens. Delaying fair elections or the withdrawal of Russian troops could give Islamic extremists more momentum in a volatile part of the world. Certain dramatic developments in Chechnya have given rise to a perception that radical Islamist organisations have steered the secessionist movement toward creating an Islamic imamat in North Eastern Caucasus, similar to the Taleban regime in Afghanistan. Chechnya today stands at the intersection of radicalism and nationalism. Al Qaeda has funded the effort and also trained several hundred Chechens in Afghanistan Islam has always been an integral part of its national identity but was not the impetus behind the nationalist movement that started after the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991. The politicisation and radicalisation of Islam was a complex process that opened a Pandora's box with serious threats of the conflict morphing into an ethno religious war conflagrating the entire region. An obdurate refusal to change the policies by the Russian leadership has led to the current quagmire. The political stalemate remains with militant Islam threatening any chance of autonomy that the movement may try to achieve. In this backdrop, it is crucial to understand the nature of the Arab involvement in the Chechen movement as it was alleged to have contributed significantly to changing the resistance from a nationalist movement into one characterised by religious radicalism. Beslan, the theatre siege in Moscow, plane hijackings and various incidents of suicide bombings are a chilling reminder of the festering conflict in Chechnya which confirm two things: first, Moscow's ineptitude in winning the war against Chechen secessionism; and second, the acerbic reaction of the Chechens to the use of force by the Russians. Russian President Vladimir Putin's declaration to "bang the hell out of these bandits" has led to a worsening of the situation. However, the conflict in Chechnya is not one to be crushed militarily. According to General Aleksander Lebed, Russia is not "fighting terrorists and bandits, but a people". In 2003, the US State Department designated three Chechen groups affiliated with Shamil Basaev as terrorists, and alleged that they had received millions of dollars from Al Qaeda. Thus, the Chechen resistance movement became forcefully identified with terrorism. The change in the nature of the conflict during the period between the two Chechen wars was a result of deepening religious awareness, reaction to Moscow's harsh policies and atrocities committed by Russian forces, as well as infiltration of foreign radical Islamic militants and their influence on the Chechen command. Following the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, a number of people rallied to defend their fellow Muslims. Later, following the call of Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, transnational Islamic brigades were set up to defend frontline Muslim communities around the world. The International Islamic brigade, which took part in the first Chechen war in 1994, was set up by Habib Abdur Rehman Khattab, a Saudi by birth. As a teenager, Khattab had fought in Afghanistan alongside Osama bin Laden. Fighting in Tajikistan, Khattab gained a reputation for being a brilliant commander before moving to Chechnya as the head of the mujahideen where he was appointed commander of the operations under Basaev. Bin Laden maintained a close ideological, technological and financial relationship with Khattab. Later, Khattab married a Dagestani woman and lived in Chechnya till his death at the hands of the Russian intelligence in 2002. Several hundred Chechens were trained in Al Qaeda's Afghan camps and provided with weapons. The Al Qaeda-influenced Al-Ansar mujahideen were considered the fiercest and most organised of the three major groups fighting the Russians in Chechnya. Most of the Chechen suicide attacks an unknown tactic in this part of the world were initiated by them. Ultimately, Khattab's influence with Basaev extended to creating divisions among the top Chechen command that led President Maskhadov to implement an Islamic government and set up Sharia courts. Maskhadov's failure to create law and order, curb high crime rate and control radical commanders, however, led to a loss of credibility in Moscow. His assassination in March 2005 at the hands of the Russian secret service was hailed as a victory by the federal government, who lost a chance to pursue a political process in Chechnya with a key Chechen leader who enjoyed considerable influence amongst the people. The exact number of foreign mercenaries fighting in Chechnya is unknown, but up to 300 Arabs reportedly took part in the war, according to Russian intelligence sources. The growth of this group's power in Chechnya played a key part in precipitating the second war by an armed incursion into Dagestan in 1999. In their isolated position, the Chechens chose to tap into the resources offered by the Islamic organisations and networks in the Middle East and Asia. The Arab involvement played right into the hands of the Russian leadership. Moscow interpreted all major opposition movements as an Islamic threat and found it useful to implicate external sources for indigenous problems. In this context, Russia's recent attempts at being considered part of the Muslim world through membership to the OIC is part of a strategy to mend estranged relations with Saudi Arabia. With 20 million Muslims in Russia, Putin attempted to play the Islamic card when he addressed the OIC summit in Kuala Lumpur in Oct 2003. Moscow also sought to reverse perception amongst the Islamic world that it was pursuing anti-Islamic policies especially in North Caucasus. Russia's repeated accusations about Saudi Arabia funding militants and terrorist groups operating in Chechnya, saw a sudden change following Crown Prince Abdullah's visit to Russia in Sept 2003, with Putin lauding Saudi Arabia's role in the war against terrorism and contending that both countries shared similar concerns on terrorism. Adding to the tension was the assassination of Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev in Doha in Feb 2004, which strained Qatar-Russia relations. Doha had repeatedly turned down Moscow's requests to extradite Yandarbiyev on Al Qaeda links. Besides being implicated in the Moscow theatre crisis, he was more importantly the link for sourcing finance to Chechen militants in the Gulf. Following the assassination, the Russian first secretary in Qatar was evicted and two Russian intelligence agents linked to the assassination were put on trial. The issue was put to rest only after an understanding was reached between the Russian and Qatari leaders, whereby the accused were returned to Moscow. In light of the current stalemate following a majority of Chechens rejecting the outcome of "pre-determined" elections held in November 2005, the international community has a responsibility of addressing the crisis. Moscow must be pressured to fulfill its political commitment of giving power to Chechens through a complete withdrawal of its troops and fair elections. Isolating Chechnya and relegating the responsibility to Russia to deal as it deems fit is tantamount to a crime against humanity. |
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia |
Arabs, Islam, and the Chechen wars |
2006-03-13 |
As a result of certain dramatic developments during the Chechnya conflict, many people believe that radical Islamist organizations have steered the secessionist movement toward the purported aim of creating an Islamic state in the Northern Caucasus. The situation is more complex. Chechnya stands at the intersection of radicalism and nationalism. Islam has always been an integral part of its national identity, but it was not the impetus behind the nationalist movement after the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991. The politicization and radicalization of Islam opened a Pandora's Box threatening to morph into a regional ethno-religious war. Russia's refusal to acknowledge its wrongs, or change its policies, has led to the current impasse. Stalemate is the order of the day, with militant Islam threatening any chance of autonomy that the movement may try to achieve. Against this backdrop, it is crucial to understand the extent and nature of Arab involvement in the Chechen movement, as this was alleged to have contributed significantly to changing the resistance from a nationalist movement to one tainted by religious radicalism. Beslan, the Moscow theater siege, plane hijackings and various incidents of suicide bombings are chilling reminders of the festering conflict in Chechnya. They confirm two things: Moscow's ineptitude in winning the war against Chechen secessionism, and the fact that the Chechens have reacted to Russian atrocities and use of force by bringing the war to Moscow itself. Russian President Vladimir Putin's desire to use force to suppress the resistance has led to a worsening situation. However, the conflict will not be resolved militarily. According to General Aleksander Lebed, Russia is not "fighting terrorists and bandits, but a people." The feeling that the conflict may spill over regionally and Russian theories about Islamic extremism spreading across the Caucasus have been fuelled by incidents like the threat of radicalization in Dagestan, the Chechen raid into Ingushetia in June 2004, and clashes in Kabardino-Balkaria in October 2005, where dozens were killed. Locals across the region deny these events are part of an evil foreign plot; instead they see them as an extension of the Chechen conflict and a reaction to Russian policies. In 2003, the U.S. State Department designated three Chechen groups affiliated with Shamil Basaev as terrorist groups, and alleged that they had received millions of dollars from Al-Qaeda. Thus, the Chechen resistance movement became forcefully identified with terrorism, although the same statement did not categorize all Chechens as terrorists. Following the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, a number of people rallied to defend their fellow Muslims. Later, following the call of cleric Abdullah Azzam, transnational Islamic brigades were set up to defend frontline Muslim communities around the world. The International Islamic Brigade, which took part in the first Chechen war in 1994, was set up by Habib Abdel-Rahman Khattab, a Saudi by birth. His aim was to radicalize the Chechen armed resistance and give it an extremist coloring. As a teenager, Khattab had fought in Afghanistan alongside Osama bin Laden, under the leadership of Hussein al-Sarehi, in the battle of the Lion's Den in 1987. Later, fighting in Tajikistan, Khattab gained a reputation as a brilliant commander, before moving to Chechnya as head of the foreign mujahideen. He was appointed military commander of operations under Basaev. Bin Laden maintained a close ideological, technological, and financial relationship with Khattab, who helped in mobilizing mujahideen in Ingushetia, Ossetia, Georgia and Azerbaijan to fight the Russians in Chechnya and Dagestan, with money provided by Al-Qaeda. Later, Khattab married a Dagestani woman and lived in Chechnya until his death at the hands of Russian intelligence in 2002. Several hundred Chechens were trained in Al-Qaeda's Afghan camps and armed. The Al-Qaeda-influenced Al-Ansar was considered the fiercest and most organized of the three major Chechen groups fighting the Russians. Most of the Chechen suicide attacks - previously an unknown tactic in that part of the world - were initiated by this group. European intelligence reports suggest that Al-Qaeda assisted Al-Ansar in weapons trafficking via Russian, Ukrainian and Chechen criminals. Khattab's influence with Basaev extended to inciting a revolt among the top Chechen commanders and creating divisions that forced President Aslan Maskhadov, who did not share Basaev's radical vision, to implement an Islamic government and set up religious courts. Maskhadov's failure to impose law and order and control radical commanders, however, led to his loss of credibility in Moscow. His assassination in March 2005 at the hands of Russian intelligence was hailed as a victory by the federal government. In reality, it squandered a chance to pursue a political process in Chechnya with a key Chechen leader who had considerable influence among his people. The exact number of foreign Islamic mercenaries fighting in Chechnya is unknown, but up to 300 Arabs reportedly took part in the war, according to Russian intelligence sources. The growth of this group's power in Chechnya played a key role in precipitating the second Chechen war following an armed incursion into Dagestan in 1999. This jeopardized all possible peaceful solutions for Chechnya's independence. Isolated, the Chechens tapped into the resources offered by Islamic organizations and networks in the Middle East and Asia. Warlords realized the benefits of forging alliances with radical groups, especially with respect to funding, training, recruiting and international contacts and support. Arab involvement played into the hands of the Russian leadership. Moscow interpreted conflict or opposition as an Islamic threat, and found it useful to blame external actors for indigenous problems. In this context, Russia's efforts to be considered part of the Muslim world through membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) became part of a plan to mend estranged relations with Saudi Arabia. With 20 million Muslims in Russia, Putin attempted to play the Muslim card when he addressed the OIC summit in Kuala Lumpur in October 2003. Moscow also sought to reverse perceptions in the Islamic world that it was pursuing anti-Islamic policies, especially in the North Caucasus. Russia's repeated accusations that Saudi Arabia was funding Chechen militants and was the main source for imported radical ideologies were ended following Crown Prince Abdullah's visit to Russia in September 2003. Putin lauded the Saudi role in the war against terrorism and contending that both countries shared similar concerns on terrorism. The Saudi advice was that a solution to the Chechen conflict be sought through constitutional means, within the framework of a federal Russia. The Saudis also stressed that this was a domestic issue for Russia, an indication of the lack of Saudi government involvement in the conflict. The assassination, by Russian agents, of Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev in Doha in February 2004, strained Qatari-Russia relations. Doha had repeatedly turned down Moscow's requests to extradite Yandarbiyev on terror charges. Besides being implicated in the Moscow theater takeover, he was the link to those in the Gulf financing Chechen militants. Following the assassination, the Russian Embassy's first secretary in Doha was expelled and two Russian intelligence agents linked to the assassination were put on trial, further intensifying the row. The issue was put to rest only after an understanding was reached between Russian and Qatari leaders, whereby the accused were returned to Moscow. Today political stalemate prevails, following the rejection by a majority of Chechens of the November 2005 elections. The international community has a responsibility to address the Chechen crisis. Moscow must be pressured to fulfill its commitment to hand power over to the Chechens through a complete withdrawal of troops and fair elections. Isolating Chechnya and delegating responsibility to Russia to deal with the situation there is tantamount to a crime against humanity. |
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Home Front: WoT |
Boston Islamic Center's mad that the feds said Alamoudi funded al-Qaeda |
2005-12-10 |
Concern is mounting over the connections between a Boston Islamic group and a high-profile Muslim activist, Abdurahman Alamoudi, after a recent statement by the federal government that Mr. Alamoudi had a "close relationship" with Al Qaeda and that he raised money for Al Qaeda in America. Alamoudi - who is serving a 23-year sentence in federal prison after having pleaded guilty in 2004 to participating in a Libyan plot to assassinate Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah - is also a founder of the Islamic Society of Boston. The society is now embroiled in a bitter legal dispute over the society's efforts to build a mosque with the aid of public subsidies. That lawsuit, according to journalists and terrorism investigators, is part of a larger trend of litigation by Muslim groups that, they say, is having a "chilling effect" on the ability to report domestic ties to terrorism. In July, Alamoudi was cited in a Treasury Department press release designating the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia, a U.K.-based Saudi oppositionist organization, led by Saad al-Faqih, as providing material support for Al Qaeda. MIRA "received approximately $1 million in funding through Abdulrahman Alamoudi," the statement said. "According to information available to the U.S.Government," the statement continues, "the September 2003 arrest of Alamoudi was a severe blow to Al Qaeda, as Alamoudi had a close relationship with Al Qaeda and had raised money for Al Qaeda in the United States." The Treasury Department has declined to provide further information, saying the material is classified. Alamoudi, an Eritrean-born naturalized American citizen, was arrested in 2003 on charges of having participated in a Libyan assassination plot against Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah, an allegation to which he admitted in the 2004 plea agreement with federal prosecutors. He was also stripped of his American citizenship after admitting to having obtained it fraudulently. A lawyer for Alamoudi, James McLoughlin Jr., told the Sun that his client "vigorously denies ever having raised money for Al Qaeda." The Treasury had refused requests to review its information. Before his arrest, Alamoudi enjoyed extensive connections to Washington lawmakers as the founder and president of the American Muslim Council. During the Clinton administration, according to press accounts, Alamoudi often visited the White House to meet with and advise President Clinton, now-Senator Clinton, and Vice President Gore. In 2001, Alamoudi appeared with President Bush at a prayer vigil for victims of the September 11 terrorist attacks just days after the destruction of the World Trade Center and the attack on the Pentagon. Alamoudi was also one of the founders of the Islamic Society of Boston, which is engaged in a dispute over its plans to build a $22 million mosque and cultural center on 1.9 acres of land next to Roxbury Community College. Valued at $400,000 by the Boston Redevelopment Authority, the lot was sold to the ISB for $175,000 in a deal supported by Boston's Democratic mayor, Thomas Menino. The city said the sale price had been lowered in exchange for an ISB promise to provide 5,000 books about Islam to Roxbury Community College; to provide the college with a lecture series about Islam; and to raise money for the college. The land exchange prompted a lawsuit by a Roxbury resident, James Policastro, challenging its constitutionality as a subsidy for the Muslim religion. Last month, a motion by the ISB to have the Policastro suit dismissed was denied. The land deal also prompted a series of investigative reports by the Boston Herald and Fox TV Channel 25, probing the alleged connections between several ISB leaders, including Alamoudi, and radical Islam. In turn, the ISB has filed a defamation lawsuit claiming that the reports were part of a conspiracy to prevent the mosque's being built. The reports alleged that one former ISB trustee, the Egypt-based Yusuf al-Qaradawi, was barred from entering America by the Clinton State Department in 1999 after openly supporting the Palestinian Arab terrorist organization Hamas. The ISB denies that Mr.Qaradawi was a trustee of the group. He is listed as a trustee on the ISB's IRS 990 forms for 1998, 1999, and 2000. The ISB has described this as an "administrative oversight." And the Anti-Defamation League recently denounced as anti-Semitic writings by another ISB trustee, Walid Ahmad Fitaihi, that appeared in foreign newspapers. In the articles, Mr. Fitaihi said Jews "perpetrated the worst of evils," "brought the worst corruption to the earth," and "killed prophets," according to press accounts. The ISB responded on its Web site that "the articles were intended to condemn particular individuals ... not meant to incite hatred of an entire faith or people." The ISB denies any connection to radical Islam. After the Herald and Fox filed reports raising questions about the ties between Messrs. Qaradawi, Alamoudi, Fitaihi, et al. and the ISB, the society and two of its trustees, Yousef Abou-Allaban and Osama Kandil, filed defamation suits against the Herald and Fox last year. The suits allege, among other charges, that the Herald and Fox reports - abetted by the other investigators and journalists named in an expanded lawsuit filed last month - have prevented the ISB from raising the money required to build the mosque. According to a report in the Boston Globe, the ISB has raised $14 million so far, mostly from other countries, particularly Saudi Arabia. As evidence for the conspiracy, the ISB's complaint includes e-mails exchanged between Herald reporters and members of the investigative groups, including the Washington-based Investigative Project and its president, Steven Emerson, and the Boston-based David Project, a 501(c)(3) Jewish educational organization. Representatives of the David Project and other groups say the reports and inquiries were meant to raise serious questions about the ISB's potential links to terrorism in the hopes of getting more information out of the organization. A lawyer for the David Project, Jeffrey Robbins, said: "It's outrageous that at a time when all Americans are trying to have information on this topic, that those who asked the questions would be sued for having asked them." A lawyer for the ISB, Howard Cooper, told the Sun earlier this week: "The ISB has had nothing to do with Alamoudi for a long time, and before those questions were asked by the people who were sued they knew that was the case." Questioning whether Alamoudi's identification by the federal government as an Al Qaeda fund-raiser in America might have implications for the Islamic Society of Boston, Mr. Cooper added, "is just such classic overreaching and guilt by fabricated association as part of an intolerant attitude toward Muslims that it is perfectly illustrative of why this lawsuit has been brought." |
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Home Front: WoT |
Treasury Department Tars Alamoudi, Founder of the Islamic Society of Boston |
2005-12-09 |
WASHINGTON - Concern is mounting over the connections between a Boston Islamic group and a high-profile Muslim activist, Abdurahman Alamoudi, after a recent statement by the federal government that Mr. Alamoudi had a "close relationship" with Al Qaeda and that he raised money for Al Qaeda in America. Alamoudi - who is serving a 23-year sentence in federal prison after having pleaded guilty in 2004 to participating in a Libyan plot to assassinate Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah - is also a founder of the Islamic Society of Boston. The society is now embroiled in a bitter legal dispute over the society's efforts to build a mosque with the aid of public subsidies. That lawsuit, according to journalists and terrorism investigators, is part of a larger trend of litigation by Muslim groups that, they say, is having a "chilling effect" on the ability to report domestic ties to terrorism. In July, Alamoudi was cited in a Treasury Department press release designating the Movement for Islamic Reform in Arabia, a U.K.-based Saudi oppositionist organization, led by Saad al-Faqih, as providing material support for Al Qaeda. MIRA "received approximately $1 million in funding through Abdulrahman Alamoudi," the statement said. "According to information available to the U.S.Government," the statement continues, "the September 2003 arrest of Alamoudi was a severe blow to Al Qaeda, as Alamoudi had a close relationship with Al Qaeda and had raised money for Al Qaeda in the United States." The Treasury Department has declined to provide further information, saying the material is classified. Alamoudi, an Eritrean-born naturalized American citizen, was arrested in 2003 on charges of having participated in a Libyan assassination plot against Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah, an allegation to which he admitted in the 2004 plea agreement with federal prosecutors. He was also stripped of his American citizenship after admitting to having obtained it fraudulently. A lawyer for Alamoudi, James McLoughlin Jr., told the Sun that his client "vigorously denies ever having raised money for Al Qaeda." The Treasury had refused requests to review its information. Before his arrest, Alamoudi enjoyed extensive connections to Washington lawmakers as the founder and president of the American Muslim Council. During the Clinton administration, according to press accounts, Alamoudi often visited the White House to meet with and advise President Clinton, now-Senator Clinton, and Vice President Gore. In 2001, Alamoudi appeared with President Bush at a prayer vigil for victims of the September 11 terrorist attacks just days after the destruction of the World Trade Center and the attack on the Pentagon. Alamoudi was also one of the founders of the Islamic Society of Boston, which is engaged in a dispute over its plans to build a $22 million mosque and cultural center on 1.9 acres of land next to Roxbury Community College. Valued at $400,000 by the Boston Redevelopment Authority, the lot was sold to the ISB for $175,000 in a deal supported by Boston's Democratic mayor, Thomas Menino. The city said the sale price had been lowered in exchange for an ISB promise to provide 5,000 books about Islam to Roxbury Community College; to provide the college with a lecture series about Islam; and to raise money for the college. The land exchange prompted a lawsuit by a Roxbury resident, James Policastro, challenging its constitutionality as a subsidy for the Muslim religion. Last month, a motion by the ISB to have the Policastro suit dismissed was denied. The land deal also prompted a series of investigative reports by the Boston Herald and Fox TV Channel 25, probing the alleged connections between several ISB leaders, including Alamoudi, and radical Islam. In turn, the ISB has filed a defamation lawsuit claiming that the reports were part of a conspiracy to prevent the mosque's being built. The reports alleged that one former ISB trustee, the Egypt-based Yusuf al-Qaradawi, was barred from entering America by the Clinton State Department in 1999 after openly supporting the Palestinian Arab terrorist organization Hamas. The ISB denies that Mr.Qaradawi was a trustee of the group. He is listed as a trustee on the ISB's IRS 990 forms for 1998, 1999, and 2000. The ISB has described this as an "administrative oversight." And the Anti-Defamation League recently denounced as anti-Semitic writings by another ISB trustee, Walid Ahmad Fitaihi, that appeared in foreign newspapers. In the articles, Mr. Fitaihi said Jews "perpetrated the worst of evils," "brought the worst corruption to the earth," and "killed prophets," according to press accounts. The ISB responded on its Web site that "the articles were intended to condemn particular individuals ... not meant to incite hatred of an entire faith or people." The ISB denies any connection to radical Islam. After the Herald and Fox filed reports raising questions about the ties between Messrs. Qaradawi, Alamoudi, Fitaihi, et al. and the ISB, the society and two of its trustees, Yousef Abou-Allaban and Osama Kandil, filed defamation suits against the Herald and Fox last year. The suits allege, among other charges, that the Herald and Fox reports - abetted by the other investigators and journalists named in an expanded lawsuit filed last month - have prevented the ISB from raising the money required to build the mosque. According to a report in the Boston Globe, the ISB has raised $14 million so far, mostly from other countries, particularly Saudi Arabia. As evidence for the conspiracy, the ISB's complaint includes e-mails exchanged between Herald reporters and members of the investigative groups, including the Washington-based Investigative Project and its president, Steven Emerson, and the Boston-based David Project, a 501(c)(3) Jewish educational organization. Representatives of the David Project and other groups say the reports and inquiries were meant to raise serious questions about the ISB's potential links to terrorism in the hopes of getting more information out of the organization. A lawyer for the David Project, Jeffrey Robbins, said: "It's outrageous that at a time when all Americans are trying to have information on this topic, that those who asked the questions would be sued for having asked them." A lawyer for the ISB, Howard Cooper, told the Sun earlier this week: "The ISB has had nothing to do with Alamoudi for a long time, and before those questions were asked by the people who were sued they knew that was the case." Questioning whether Alamoudi's identification by the federal government as an Al Qaeda fund-raiser in America might have implications for the Islamic Society of Boston, Mr. Cooper added, "is just such classic overreaching and guilt by fabricated association as part of an intolerant attitude toward Muslims that it is perfectly illustrative of why this lawsuit has been brought." The David Project, however, points to an online petition - available at www.petitiononline.com/alamoudi/petition.html, and signed by a "Dr. Osama Kandil" of Herndon, Va., identifying the imprisoned Alamoudi as "our community leader" and calling for his release - as a sign of potential ongoing connections between Alamoudi and the ISB. The Dr. Osama Kandil who serves as one of the trustees of the ISB and who brought the lawsuits against the Herald and Fox divides his time between Egypt and Herndon, Va. Mr. Cooper said his client was in Egypt and could not be reached to confirm whether he signed the petition. "However, I am aware that Dr. Kandil, as a young man and student in Boston, was one of founders of Islamic Society of Boston. ... Would it shock me that, at the time that Mr. Alamoudi was arrested, that those who knew him his days as a young man would express an opinion about him in an effort to help him? No, that would not surprise me," Mr. Cooper said. "But to suggest that such an event, if it occurred, establishes a link between the ISB and Dr. Kandil on the one hand, and radical Islamic terrorism on the other, is ridiculous and it smacks of the worst type of McCarthyism and guilt by association that one could possibly imagine," Mr. Cooper added. A senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, Andrew McCarthy, asserted these sorts of defamation and libel lawsuits were part of a "concerted effort" by Muslim groups to intimidate investigators. "If you say anything borderline critical of them they sort of bare their fangs and threaten to sue," Mr. McCarthy, a former federal attorney who prosecuted the case against the mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, said. A spokeswoman for the Council on American Islamic Relations, Rabiah Ahmed, acknowledged that lawsuits had increasingly become an "instrument" used by the Muslim community. "The Muslim community realizes that it has to respond to these allegations and to these attacks, otherwise, the people who are promoting these defamatory remarks will win in the court of public opinion," Ms. Ahmed said. |
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Home Front: Politix |
WaPo Campaign to discredit Freeh begins in earnest |
2005-10-16 |
From the "How dare you dis Billary!" dept... During his tenure as director of the FBI, Louis Freeh presided over a series of blunders and failures that brought the bureau to a low point in its history. From the embarrassment of the Russian mole Robert Hanssen to the bungling of the Wen Ho Lee investigation to the wasting of hundreds of millions of dollars in a failed attempt to build a modern, computerized case management system, the bureau under Freeh's leadership stumbled from one blunder to the next, with little or no accountability. The nadir, as the nation knows too well, was reached in the astonishing string of failures that helped leave America vulnerable to the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. In the face of this record, Freeh has now published "My FBI," a book distinguished by its shameless buck-passing. Nothing, it seems, was ever Louis Freeh's fault. Who was to blame for the fact that there weren't enough FBI agents working on counterterrorism? According to Freeh, it was Congress. But in testimony three years ago, Freeh declared that "Congress has shown great foresight in strengthening" counterterrorism efforts, tripling the FBI's counterterrorism budget from $97 million in 1996 to more than $300 million in 1999. Whose fault was it that the FBI remained incapable of basic file management? Congress's, Freeh contends -- it underfunded the bureau's technology program. But as the report of the Sept. 11 commission points out, Congress did not meet FBI requests in the late 1990s because the bureau had squandered so much money already. Equally appalling is Freeh's recent claim on "60 Minutes" that the bureau was too distracted by the many "scandals" in the Clinton White House to attend to the terrorist threat. Of course, none of those politically motivated witch hunts, in which Freeh did the bidding of his congressional patrons on the partisan right, resulted in a conviction. And never mind that Freeh's FBI ought to have been able to protect the American people while pursuing other investigations at the same time. Freeh's claim, moreover, that no one, including White House counterterrorism official Richard Clarke, told him that radical Islamist terrorism was a major threat, is totally disingenuous. As the Sept. 11 report, the congressional joint inquiry and a book by former National Security Council officials Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon show, there were countless memos circulating in the bureaucracy and numerous meetings that Freeh refused to attend. As Benjamin and Simon aptly wrote in "The Age of Sacred Terror," the FBI under Freeh was "a surly colossus" that listened to no one, provided intelligence to no one and took direction from no one. Perhaps no part of Freeh's auto-whitewash is more self-aggrandizing and inaccurate than his rewrite of the history of the investigation into Khobar Towers. Freeh claims the White House did not support his attempts to probe the Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia and was unable or unwilling to help the FBI gain access to witnesses. In fact, on numerous occasions senior Clinton administration officials reiterated requests for full cooperation on Khobar Towers, including access to key witnesses, with interlocutors at the highest levels of the Saudi government. This culminated in a face-to-face demand by President Bill Clinton to Crown Prince Abdullah in Washington in the fall of 1998. Freeh, who was not in that meeting and cites only unnamed sources, claims that Clinton never pushed seriously for cooperation, instead asking Abdullah for a contribution to his planned presidential library. This account does not pass the straight-face test. Those who were in the room, including several still in government service who cannot speak publicly, all concur that Clinton pushed Abdullah hard for cooperation, telling him that the future of the American-Saudi relationship depended on the kingdom's cooperation. In short order, that cooperation was forthcoming and produced the information that led to the eventual indictments. Freeh alleges that the real reason for the Saudi turnaround was the intervention, at his request, of former president George H.W. Bush. That Bush added his voice to the chorus of administration demands reflects well on our former president, but the argument that the Saudis would deliver on the basis of an appeal from someone who was out of office as opposed to someone whose actions would determine the course of U.S.-Saudi relations is completely implausible. Other parts of Freeh's account of the unfolding of the Khobar Towers investigation are also riddled with distortions and inaccuracies. For example, Freeh writes as if no acknowledgment of Iranian involvement in the bombing was made until after George W. Bush came into office. This is false: The Clinton administration publicly and unequivocally placed blame on senior Iranian officials. Deputy Attorney General Eric Holder made this point at a press conference on Oct. 4, 1999. Moreover, Freeh's story has changed. In "My FBI," Freeh leaves out the admission that he made to the New Yorker magazine in 2001: that he personally made the decision to hold back on an indictment of Iranian officials until a new administration came into office. The material for indictments was available, and there is no evidence that the Clinton administration did not want to pursue the case. Freeh, however, slow-rolled the case, apparently for political reasons. A central claim of "My FBI" is that Clinton was more concerned about a rapprochement with Iran than about the safety of Americans. Yet Freeh fails to note the obvious: A principal aim of the administration's aggressive diplomacy and intelligence work was to reduce the terrorist threat coming from Iran and its surrogates in the Middle East. I can understand why Freeh would write a book such as "My FBI" defending his tenure. After all, no one else would. John Podesta was President Bill Clinton's last chief of staff and earlier served as counsel to the Senate subcommittee on security and terrorism, which had oversight of the FBI. He is now president of the Center for American Progress. Yup. This is what I love about WaPo. Mr Podesta has no axe to grind here, no ox to gore, no reasons, whatsoever, to be anything less than honest and straightforward. Fair and balanced. That's WaPo, alright. Freeh is The Devil. The Clinton WH was Camelot II. Clinton musta kept him around to frighten ill-behaved children into being good. |
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Home Front: Politix |
Freeh sez Clinton undermined Khobar Towers investigation |
2005-10-11 |
Former FBI Director Louis Freeh on Sunday accused former President Bill Clinton of ditching the investigation into the 1996 bombing of a U.S. barracks in Saudi Arabia to pursue better relations with Iran. In an interview with CBS' "60 Minutes," Freeh said Clinton failed to seek Saudi cooperation with the investigation into the Khobar Towers attack, which killed 19 U.S. airmen. He said Clinton instead pressed then-Crown Prince Abdullah, now king, for a donation to his presidential library -- a charge the former president's spokesman and a former adviser told CBS was false. "I was very disappointed that the political leadership in the United States would tell the families of these 19 heroes that we were going to leave no stone unturned and find the people who killed them, to give that order to the director -- because that's the order that I got -- and then do nothing to assist and facilitate that investigation, and, in fact, to undermine it," Freeh said. Representatives of the former president did not return CNN calls seeking comment. But former Clinton spokesman Joe Lockhart said Freeh's accusation has been disputed by "everyone who was in those meetings." "All he is trying to do is follow the right-wing playbook, which is to make up a bunch of charges about President Clinton and do it in a way that you can line your own pockets," Lockhart said. Freeh is promoting a new memoir, "My FBI: Bringing Down the Mafia, Investigating Bill Clinton and Waging War on Terror." He said his Khobar Towers investigation pointed to Iran, but said the probe was derailed by Clinton's desire to improve relations with the reformist Iranian government elected in 1997. He said U.S. investigators only gained access to Saudi suspects in the bombing when former President George Bush, who sent American troops to defend the kingdom in the first Persian Gulf War, asked Abdullah for his assistance. Asked why he did not resign and go public earlier, he said, "I had a different response. I said, 'This is too damn important for me to stop investigating it,' and I didn't stop investigating it. I wanted for a change of administration, which happened when this President Bush was elected." Clinton named Freeh, a former FBI agent and federal judge, to lead the bureau in 1993 after the fiery raid that ended the Branch Davidian standoff in Waco, Texas. But Freeh's agents ended up conducting multiple investigations of his boss during the 1990s -- including the probe of the president's sexual relationship with White House intern Monica Lewinsky, which resulted in his 1998 impeachment and eventual acquittal by the Senate. Freeh said those investigations dominated his tenure. But Lockhart said Freeh wasted his time pursuing allegations of wrongdoing leveled by Clinton's political opponents. "No one made Mr. Freeh go around and chase political rumors and scandals, to go and get into the depths of the president's personal life," Lockhart told CNN. "He did that to win favor and curry favor with the far right wing of this country. What he didn't do was run the FBI." In his book, Freeh writes that he realized the United States was in a global war with terrorists after the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center and responses to terrorist attacks in the 1990s were inadequate. "We lacked the political will, the spine, to take military action against our enemies," he told CBS. "It was obvious for years that that's what our position had been." The 9/11 commission report issued in 2004 credited Freeh with recognizing the terrorist threat early on -- but it also criticized him for failing to shift FBI resources to combat it. And the Justice Department criticized him for failing to improve the FBI's computer network, which investigators said kept agents from "connecting the dots" before the 9/11 attacks. Freeh told CBS that he had to ask Congress for permission to reassign agents. Freeh resigned in June 2001, less than three months before al Qaeda's attacks on New York and Washington. On his last day in office, he revealed indictments against 13 Saudis and a Lebanese citizen in connection with the Khobar Towers bombing, all accused of being members of the Iranian-backed Islamic militia Hezbollah. The indictment stated that Iranian officials directed the bombing, but none were charged. He said he remained in office until 2001 because he didn't want Clinton to name his successor. "I was concerned about who he would put in there as FBI director because he had expressed antipathy for the FBI, for the director," he said. "I was going to stay there and make sure that he couldn't replace me." |
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Home Front: Politix | ||||
Bill Clinton Blasts Louis Freeh as GOP Stooge | ||||
2005-10-07 | ||||
A spokesman for ex-president Clinton attacked a new book by former FBI director Louis Freeh that's sharply critical of Clinton's handling of the war on terrorism, calling Freeh "a man who's desperate to clear his name." "This is clearly a total work of fiction by a man who's desperate to clear his name and sell books," Jay Carson told the Washington Post, noting that the former New Jersey judge contributed nearly $20,000 to Republicans, including President Bush, in the last campaign. "It's unfortunate he'd stoop to this level in his attempt to rewrite history," Carson said.
Freeh's book, "My FBI: Bringing Down the Mafia, Investigating Bill Clinton, and Fighting the War on Terror," offers a scorching account of Clinton's mishandling of the Khobar Towers bombing investigation. The former top G-man is set to appear on CBS "60 Minutes" to detail his scathing revelations, including a claim that Clinton hit up Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah for a donation to his presidential library after signaling he wouldn't press him on the Khobar probe. "The former president declined to respond to this charge," CBS News reports on its web site. The Clinton camp told the Washington Post that "60 Minutes" would not accept any surrogate to rebut Freeh on camera once the former president declined to be interviewed.
But Freeh may have witnesses who can back his story - including former President Bush. In a 2003 op-ed piece in the Wall Street Journal, Freeh wrote that he turned to Bush 41 for help with the Khobar probe after Clinton refused. "After months of inaction, I finally turned to the former President Bush, who immediately interceded with [Saudi] Crown Prince Abdullah on the FBI's behalf," Freeh revealed. "Mr. Bush personally asked the Saudis to let the FBI do one-on-one interviews of the detained Khobar bombers. The Saudis immediately acceded," he explained. "This was the investigative breakthrough for which we had been waiting for several years."
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Terror Networks & Islam |
A Hamas Headquarters in Saudi Arabia? |
2005-09-28 |
Israeli authorities on September 27 announced the arrest of an Israeli-Arab Hamas activist who played central militant, political, and financing roles for the group in coordination with what Israeli authorities described as a âHamas command in Saudi Arabia.â The arrest is just the latest evidence that support for Hamas in particular and Islamic extremism in general continues to emanate from within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Hamas HQ in Saudi Arabia Until he was arrested last month, Yakub Muhamad Yakub Abu Etzev was in contact via e-mail with senior Hamas officials in Saudi Arabia. According to Israeli authorities, Abu Etzev confessed to receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars from the Hamas headquarters in Saudi Arabia as well as instructions that he passed on to Hamas field operatives. The funds entered the West Bank through human couriers and money changers, often under the cover of charity work. The Hamas office in Saudi Arabia reportedly instructed Abu Etzev to open a âcommunications officeâ to report developments on the ground to Hamas operatives abroad. The Hamas leaders in Saudi Arabia provided the funding for this venture in addition to money for the families of suicide bombers and imprisoned terrorists and a variety of Hamas institutions. Abu Etzev was personally involved the creation of local Hamas committees in towns and villages with funds from Hamasâs Saudi office. Past Hamas Activity in Saudi Arabia The revelation that Hamas operates a command center in Saudi Arabia with close ties to Hamas militants executing attacks and the movementâs political and social-welfare (dawa) operations is remarkable. But neither the fact that individual Hamas operatives are active in Saudi Arabia nor the fact that Hamas receives significant funding from within the Kingdom is news. Unlike its official presence in Syria, Iran, Yemen, and Sudan, Hamas has never maintained a formal office in Saudi Arabia. But individual Hamas activists, as well as many supporters, have long raised funds from within the Kingdom. As early as 1994, Palestinian scholar Ziad Abu Amr noted, âThe widespread belief is that Hamas has received money [from] the governments of Saudi Arabia and some Gulf states,â adding that such support is believed to have continued after the 1991 Gulf War to punish the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) for its support of Iraq after its invasion of Kuwait. In 1997, the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera cited unnamed Palestinian officials who complained, âRiyadhâs help to Hamas has grown with the opening of new [financial] channels,â and revealed that âover 140 billion lire [$37.32 million] has been collected in Saudi Arabia and the other oil monarchies.â In September 2003, David Aufhauser, general counsel to the U.S. Department of the Treasury, said in congressional testimony that despite some success in curbing terror financing, âby no means have we crossed the bridge of the issue of terrorist financing emanating from Saudi Arabia.â Aufhauser noted that not only is it donating to Hamas not a crime in Saudi Arabia, but Hamas raises âenormous amounts of moneyâ during the month of the Hajj aloneâa period so lucrative for Hamas that it sends its political director to the Kingdom. Individuals, charities, and banks tied to the Saudi ruling class are among the most prolific supporters of Islamist extremism, of both the Palestinian and the global varieties. The al-Raji family has been tied to Hamas funding, as have other members of the Saudi elite, such as Khari al-Agha and Abd al-Rahim Nasrallah, who is believed to have laundered and transferred funds through charitable organizations fronting for Hamas in Europe. Together, Nasrallah and Zayd Mahmoud Zakarna, the head of Hamasâs Jenin charity committee, are suspected of arranging the transfer of hundreds of thousands of dollars to Hamas. Individual contributions from Saudi Arabia were instrumental in helping Hamas develop the Qassam rockets it routinely shoots into Israel from Gaza. In December 2001, Israeli authorities arrested Hamas operative Osama Zohadi Hamed Karika as he attempted to cross the Rafah border crossing at Gaza. He had on his person documents detailing the development of the Qassam rockets. Under questioning, he admitted that he was on his way to Saudi Arabia to brief unidentified supporters on the development of the rockets and to obtain their continued funding for the project. Karika also told his Israeli interrogators that he had personally secured initial funding for the rocket program in Saudi Arabia. Unfulfilled Pledges to Curb Hamas What is perhaps most disturbing is that such activity persists despite repeated Saudi pledges to curb terror financing and the promotion of Islamist extremism from within the Kingdom. In the wake of domestic al-Qaeda terrorist attacks, Saudi authorities took action against al-Qaeda financiers, severely curtailing the funding these financiers provided to Hamas as a consequence. By restricting Islamist charities that fund both al-Qaeda and Hamasâsuch as the World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) and the International Islamic Relief OrganizationâSaudi funding for Hamas all but dried up for a period of time. According to an Israeli report, in the second half of 2004, âSaudi authorities began severely limiting charitable money transfers from their country to Hamas institutions in the [Palestinian Authority]-administered territories.â But while Saudi authorities did take several steps against terror financingâincluding restricting charities to a single account from which funds can be withdrawn and eliminating cash disbursements from charitable accountsâmany of their most significant antiterror promises were not implemented. Saudi authorities had committed to establishing a Financial Intelligence Unit and an oversight commission for charities, but failed to do either. In any event, the commission would have been of limited use even if established; some of the most significant charities in need of oversight, including WAMY and the Muslim World League, were expressly excluded from the commissionâs planned purview. According to Saudi officials, then-Crown Prince Abdullah officially withdrew the Kingdomâs support for Hamas in early 2002. But special Account Ninety-Eight funds created by the government to funnel money to Palestinian organizations continue to function and fund Hamas despite reported pledges to close the accounts made more than eighteen months ago. Just last month, Saudi television ran a program on the jihad in Palestine that implored viewers to donate funds to the Palestinian intifada. A caption on the screen informed donors that they could send funds through the Saudi Committee for Support of the al-Quds Intifadaâs Account Ninety-Eight, âa joint account at all Saudi banks.â Meanwhile, a speaker instructed viewers, âJihad is the pinnacle of Islam.â He explained that the funds would go directly to those waging jihad, where it would, in his words, âhelp them carry out this mission.â Conclusion Funding for terrorist groups, including Hamas, continues to flow from within Saudi Arabia, albeit at a slower pace than previously. But the exposure of a Hamas command center operating from Saudi Arabia marks a disturbing upgrade of Hamasâs presence in the Kingdom. Still, there is good news. The move may be a reaction to the sharp increase in international pressure and attention now focused on Syria, where Hamas leaders have based themselves since being expelled from Jordan in the 1990s. The revelation that Hamas terrorism aimed at undermining the regime of Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas is being planned from Saudi Arabia should give Washington sufficient motivation to press Riyadh for tangible action to put a quick end to such activity. |
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