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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
US demands the impossible from Zelensky
2023-04-30
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Petr Akopov

[RIA] In anticipation of the Ukrainian offensive in the West, they are increasingly beginning to discuss what will happen after it - negotiations on a truce with Russia. Yes, the mainstream in the United States - and partly in Europe - is practically confident in the success of the strike of the Ukrainian army prepared with their help, they argue only about its scale.

Almost no one even among the Anglo-Saxon hawks believes in the coming "liberation of the Crimea", but in any case they expect some kind of, albeit tactical, defeat of Russia. And after that, negotiations on a truce, to which, according to many Western analysts, Moscow will be forced to agree. Thus, the long-awaited Ukrainian offensive itself is seen by Western strategists as a kind of form of "forcing Russia to peace", that is, creating favorable conditions for Kyiv and the West to start negotiations.

Very indicative in this sense is the recent article by Richard Haas and Charles Kupchan "The West Needs a New Strategy in Ukraine" in Foreign Affairs. Haas is not an ordinary analyst, but the president of a key American think tank, the Council on Foreign Relations, that is, his reasoning is not abstract, but more than similar not even to a recommendation, but to an approximate plan of action for the American leadership.

The essence of the "Haas Plan" is that, although Ukraine and the West as a whole are winning, the strategy must be changed. Yes, Haas supports the demands for Kiev to be pumped with weapons, but he is sure that "the most likely outcome of the conflict is by no means a complete victory for Ukraine, but a bloody stalemate", and therefore we need to prepare to "then, when at the end of the year the peak hostilities will pass, withdraw Moscow and Kiev from the battlefield and sit down at the negotiating table. At the same time, Haas is one of those hawks who are not afraid of the escalation of the conflict - and in general "the West should in every possible way belittle Russia's nuclear ambitions."
Therefore, Ukraine can and should be pumped up with weapons, and sooner or later Moscow will abandon the military solution.

The logic is deadly in the sense that it proceeds from the possibility of forcing Russia to come to terms with Ukraine's departure to the Atlantic camp by force. And from the fact that Russia can still be forced to negotiate about it. But now it's not about that, but about why Haas nevertheless proposes to change the American strategy.

Because Kyiv will also have to be forced to a truce! That is, to refuse the promises made to him: "Peace in Ukraine cannot be a hostage to Kyiv's military goals, which, no matter how morally justified they may be, are most likely unattainable...

Even from the point of view of Ukraine, it would be unwise to persevere in achieving a complete military victory, which may turn out to be Pyrrhic ... Kyiv should not risk self-destruction in the pursuit of unattainable goals ... "

When the "season" of hostilities ends, the United States and Europe will also have a good reason to abandon their declared policy of helping Ukraine "for as long as it takes."

And even so: “For more than a year, the West has allowed Kiev to determine the success of the Ukrainian campaign and set military goals for the US and Europe. This policy, regardless of whether it made sense at the beginning of the conflict, has now exhausted itself.” What happened, why do we need new installations? It turns out that the old policy "becomes unreasonable because the goals of Ukraine are in conflict with other interests of the West," and continued large-scale support for Kyiv comes with broader strategic risks.

What are these risks? According to Haas, the West cannot supply weapons to Ukraine at the same pace, it is afraid of a direct conflict with Russia (this slightly contradicts the previous theses of the article, but we will not find fault), and the States cannot continue to be so distracted from containing China . But there is also the risk of a split in the West, and the fact that "US policy towards Ukraine may change dramatically if the Republicans win the White House in the 2024 elections."

That is, the more than globalist and Atlantic-minded Haas actually recognizes all those problems of the West that critics and opponents of the global Anglo-Saxon project talk about, and offers to refer to them when explaining to Kiev the reasons for the change in American policy and the need for a truce and negotiations. But the problem is how the Americans are now going to convince Kyiv - and what will it cost Zelensky?

Haas admits that "convincing Kyiv to accept a ceasefire and vague diplomatic solutions can be no less difficult than getting Moscow to agree to it."

The states, of course, will do their best to force Kyiv to negotiate, but the main Ukrainian problem of the West now is that it is simply impossible for Zelensky to refuse the demand to return to the "1991 borders". And if it happens, then the supporters of the war will demolish it to the bitter end. In an interview with Anatol Lieven (a British analyst who recently returned from Ukraine) published recently, this is stated directly.

What happens? The current American strategy on Ukraine proceeds from the fact that it is necessary to help the Armed Forces of Ukraine inflict at least a relative defeat on Russia, and then enter into negotiations and fix a freeze, the status quo: Russia is leaving what it already controls, and the rest of Ukraine actually becomes an unofficial member of NATO.

Russia thus suffers a geopolitical defeat - it wanted to prevent the atlantization of Ukraine, but instead was forced to settle for a land corridor to Crimea, resigned to Ukraine's withdrawal to the West.

But within the framework of this strategy, the West constantly publicly spoke about supporting the plans to "liberate" the entire territory of Ukraine, while Zelensky built everything on this.

If now, even without any hint of Russia’s readiness to abandon its goals, we start convincing Kyiv that we need to accept the cessation of hostilities and actually give up the lost territories, this will lead to Zelensky’s political suicide. Well, if the West puts forward such proposals to Kiev after the Ukrainian offensive, then, as they say, there is a fork in the road - if it suddenly achieves some success, Zelensky will not agree, counting on more (and the army will be against it). And if it fails, then he will not be able to even hint at a ceasefire without the risk of being overthrown.

And it's not about Zelensky. And the fact that the American approach is initially based on the erroneous belief that in the end they will be able to take Ukraine for themselves, and nothing can be fixed here by changing tactics and even strategy.

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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Questioning the Ukraine war does not make you a 'Putin apologist'
2022-03-17
[American Thinker] Writing in Commentary, neoconservative Joshua Muravchick labels those who believe that the roots of the current Russia-Ukraine War lie at least in part in the post—Cold War expansion of NATO as "Putin apologists." He groups into that category the Democratic Socialists of America (including several members of Congress); some writers at the far-left Nation magazine; members of the Quincy Institute, including its president, Andrew Bacevich and senior fellow Anatol Lieven; The American Conservative's Patrick Buchanan, Rod Dreher, and Scott McConnell; Frontpage Magazine contributor Robert Spencer; frequent Tablet contributor Lee Smith; conservative commentator Candace Owens; Fox News's Tucker Carlson; former congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard; and, last but not least, former president Donald Trump.

The "Putin apologists" on the left, Muravchik writes, are motivated by "an anti-war reflex" and a belief that "the American system, as an avatar of capitalism and systemic racism, is inherently malign." Some of the "Putin apologists" on the right, he explains, are "ideological isolationists" who "share the left's contempt for America." Others on what he calls the "Trumpist right" call themselves "patriots," but "their passions focus powerfully on disputes with other Americans" rather than our country's foreign adversaries. Muravchik doesn't appear to realize that the passionate focus of his article is his "disputes with other Americans."

Muravchik calls the NATO expansion argument of the "Putin apologists" flimsy because Putin's view that NATO expansion threatens Russia's security is "nonsensical." "NATO," he writes, "does not threaten Russia and never has threatened it." NATO, he continues, is a defensive alliance, and adding Ukraine to NATO "would not change this a whit." It apparently doesn't matter to Muravchik that Putin's and Russia's perception of NATO differs from his own or even from the reality that NATO is a defensive alliance.

Muravchik ignores what is one of the most important qualities of a statesman — what Halford Mackinder described as "an insight into the minds of other nations than his own." That insight was lacking, for example, during the Vietnam War, when the Johnson administration thought offering Ho Chi Minh massive government aid projects (like the Tennessee Valley Authority) would convince the communist leader to make peace and give up his quest to conquer South Vietnam. It was similarly lacking when that same administration (persuaded by defense secretary Robert McNamara, who knew next to nothing about communism or Russian history and culture) thought slowing or stopping the U.S. deployment of nuclear missiles would convince Soviet leaders to do likewise. More recently, the inability to gain insight into the minds of other nations on the part of the George W. Bush administration led to the delusional and costly policies of trying to spread democracy to Iraq and Afghanistan — policies, it is worth noting, championed by many neoconservatives.

In his famous "Long Telegram" in 1946, George F. Kennan explained that Soviet/Russian foreign policy was motivated by "a neurotic view of world affairs" and an "instinctive Russian sense of insecurity." That traditional Russian insecurity, Kennan noted, grew "as Russia came into contact with [the] economically advanced west," which triggered "fear of more competent, more powerful, more highly organized societies." Russia's rulers, he wrote, "have invariably sensed that their rule was relatively archaic in form, fragile and artificial in its psychological foundation, unable to stand comparison or contact with political systems of western countries." That is why Russian leaders, according to Kennan, "have always feared foreign penetration, feared direct contact between the western world and their own, feared what would happen if Russians learned truth about world without or if foreigners learned truth about world within."
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Leftists, Liberals, and Ukraine: A Tale of Double Standards
2015-03-28


This is a fairly comprehensive examination of what drives leftists to support Vladimir Putin, his neo imperialist program for Russia and his war in Ukraine: Spoiler alert: Ideology and money.

An excerpt:

Anti-Americanism is a set of beliefs that classifies imperialism as a singular specific American rather than global phenomenon and discounts or ignores competition between imperialists and intra-capitalist rivalries. Anti-Americanism bears little relation to Lenin's concept of many rival imperialist ruling classes divided within and engaged in an unending struggle with one another. Instead, anti-Americanists restrict “imperialism” to a single US dominated bloc without fundamental intra-ruling-class differences.

Such a perspective leads some leftists and liberals to see the world as a stage for a duel between a capitalist USA and NATO on one side, and capitalist Russia on the other. On this Manichean stage, Ukraine must remain Russian, so the US and NATO do not get stronger. Middle or working class Ukrainians who see benefit in the EU, the massive support for the Maidan and the prospect of support from Ukrainian leftists and liberals in the fight against neo liberal capitalism within the EU have no place on this stage. According to this script, those who support EU membership for Ukraine are dupes in a fascist plot, run by the USA and NATO and its new puppet Kyiv “junta” government. Ukrainian national ambitions and independence are synonymous with what these leftists, liberals and Russian rulers call fascism. The fact that EU negotiators and Maidan leaders were urging Yanukovych to remain in power and that he fled of his own volition is ignored. Appalled at the prospect of Anglo- American corporations making money from Ukrainian misery, as they are appalled at how they continue to extract resources from former European colonies, pro-Kremlin leftists and liberals are not appalled by the prospect of the Russian state and its ruling elite continuing to extract resources from its Ukrainian colony – as they have been doing since the 18th century.

The groups here examined include people like Paul Craig Roberts, John Pilger, Oliver Stone, John Helmer, Thomas Hartmann, and Anatol Lieven, who echo the Kremlin’s anti-Ukrainian propaganda on websites like Counterpunch.org, Marxist.com, Greenleft.org, World Socialist Website, Naked Capitalism, Stopimperialism.com, Canadian Dimension, and Globalresearch.ca. Few of these sites list who finances them. How many are funded by the Kremlin, is unknown. These leftists and liberals, contrary to their avowed principles of anti-imperialism and self-determination, pen pro-Kremlin articles that identify the new conservative Ukrainian government containing Russians and Jews and Georgians and Lithuanians, as a fascist “regime” exploiting Russians and “invading” eastern Ukraine – not explaining how a government can invade its own territory and ignoring the Russian troops fighting on Ukrainian territory. These people consider Ukraine in Russia’s “sphere of influence” and that it should stay there. The fact that a majority of Ukrainian citizens prefer not to stay there, and that Russia’s drive for regional hegemony risks starting World War III by breaking international treaties and invading their country, is not considered by any of the Flashpoint authors.
Much more at the link
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India-Pakistan
The problem with Pakistan is...
2011-06-24
[Dawn] This week I attended a short seminar entitled, "The Future of Pakistain". London is home to many such events. Pakistain is high on the UK government's agenda -- a country of geopolitical strategic interest, nuclear armed, and poised to become Britannia's biggest aid recipient. Experts flock to share ideas. Consultants congregate to see if there is any money to be made. The event sometimes includes someone promoting a book they have written about Pakistain (this time it was Anatol Lieven's turn); and a panel of speakers each giving their diagnosis of "what the problem with Pakistain is..."

Conversation continues as various notable commentators -- usually with an ex-Ambassador thrown in for good measure -- pick apart the nation. They talk politics, military, relations with Afghanistan, China, India, Iran, religion, gender-issues. Sorry intakes of breath as the thoughts on the devastating floods are uttered. Heads move slowly from side to side, when someone mentions the dreaded letters "ISI". The word "revolution" is used more than once, and not in a positive way -- there is no real talk of potential for positive change. An audience of like-minded people will nod and thank the panel before making similar verbal offerings.

The event this week, surpassed all others as the panel in question tried to "out-do" each other with negativity. But it was a British peer who took this week's prize for being the most ruthlessly negative about the country of her birth. "My view of Pakistain, I'm not ashamed to say is quite bleak" quipped Baroness Kishwer Falkner. Anatol retorted -- "but my book is pretty bleak in places too!" I quietly got up and left the room.

Failed
It's not that I don't want to understand Pakistain's problems, it's just that I refuse to approach the country as if it is a hopeless, "failed state". I'm not sure even how useful it is to rank failed states. It feels uncomfortable that a "Fund for Peace" should issue such a list. Pakistain ranks at number 12, since you asked.

It's considered more failed than Yemen. But then maybe if Germany had been assessed after the Second World War it would have been pretty high up on the failed state list. Its economy was destroyed, cities were flattened by hefty bomb damage, and over six million Germans were dead including their radical and violently extreme leader found in a ditch with a bullet in his brain. But it only took a relatively short time before Germany was back on its feet; doing business with former enemies, raising its economy, and having global influence once more.

So I would challenge anyone, whether they are Pak or not, who assess Pakistain as "bleak" or "failed". In my attempts to squeeze dramatic engaging news stories from a nation of 180 million, I'm not really looking for a post-Bin Laden Marshall Plan, but simply an exploration of potential, opportunity and stories of a resilience nation that I know exists. Keep the messages coming. More of them.
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India-Pakistan
Pakistan must seek a route from dynasty to unity
2007-12-28
By Anatol Lieven

To understand the implications of Benazir Bhutto’s assassination for Pakistan, first imagine what that country would look like without her Pakistan People’s party. It has been overwhelmingly a dynastic party and she was the last politically viable representative of the Bhutto dynasty. Without her to hold it together, it is highly probable the PPP will disintegrate.

In the short term, this is likely to benefit President Pervez Musharraf and the army but, in the longer term, Islamist extremists may have the most to gain.

If the PPP does fragment, the ability of the army to use patronage to put together coalition governments including some of these PPP fragments will be greatly increased. General Musharraf will also most probably gain more freedom of manoeuvre vis a vis Washington. American pressure on him will be diminished, for the US no longer has a strong pro-American civilian leader to promote in his place.

At a time when the US is becoming increasingly exasperated with Gen Musharraf’s administration – and Democratic leaders such as Barack Obama have been making openly menacing speeches – US options have become radically limited. Breaking with Gen Musharraf now means breaking with Pakistan as a whole, with potentially disastrous consequences for the “war on terror” and the conflict in Afghanistan.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Getting the facts straight about the old-new Russia
2007-07-17
BY BRET STEPHENS

In the six or seven years in which they interacted on a regular basis, Vladimir Putin's police state and journalist Fatima Tlisova had a mostly one-way relationship. Ms. Tlisova's food was poisoned (causing a nearly fatal case of kidney failure), her ribs were broken by assailants unknown, her teenage son was detained by drunken policemen for the crime of not being an ethnic Russian, and agents of the Federal Security Services (FSB) forced her into a car, took her to a forest outside the city of Nalchik and extinguished cigarettes on every finger of her right hand, "so that you can write better," as one of her tormentors informed her. Last year, the 41-year-old journalist decided she'd had enough. Along with her colleague Yuri Bagrov, she applied for, and was granted, asylum in the United States.

Ms. Tlisova and Mr. Bagrov are, as the wedding refrain has it, something old, something new: characters from an era that supposedly vanished with the collapse of the Soviet Union 16 years ago. Now that era, or something that looks increasingly like it, seems to be upon us again. What can we do?

The most important task is to get some facts straight.

Fact No. 1: The Bush administration is not provoking a new Cold War with Russia.
That it is seems to be the view of Beltway pundits such as Anatol Lieven, whose indignation at alleged U.S. hostility to Russia is inversely correlated with his concerns about mounting Russian hostility to the U.S., its allies and the likes of Ms. Tlisova. In an article in the March issue of the American Conservative, the leftish Mr. Lieven made the case against the administration for its "bitterly anti-Russian statements," the plan to bring Ukraine into NATO and other supposed encroachments on Russia's self-declared sphere of influence. In this reading, Mr. Putin's increasingly strident anti-Western rhetoric is merely a response to a deliberate and needless U.S. policy of provocation.

Yet talk to actual Russians and you'll find that one of their chief gripes with this administration has been its over-the-top overtures to Mr. Putin: President Bush's "insight" into the Russian's soul on their first meeting in 2001; Condoleezza Rice's reported advice to "forgive Russia" for its anti-American shenanigans in 2003; the administration's decision to permit Russian membership in the World Trade Organization in 2006; the Lobster Summit earlier this month at the Bush family compound in Kennebunkport (which Mr. Putin graciously followed up by announcing the "suspension" of Russia's obligations under the 1990 Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty).

This isn't a study in appeasement, quite. But it stands in striking contrast to the British government's decision yesterday to expel four Russian diplomats over Mr. Putin's refusal to extradite Andrei Lugovoi, the former FSB man suspected of murdering Alexander Litvinenko in London last November with a massive dose of polonium. "The heinous crime of murder does require justice," British Foreign Secretary David Miliband said yesterday. "This response is proportional and it is clear at whom it is aimed." Would that Dick Cheney walked that talk.

Now turn to Fact No. 2. Russia is acting with increasingly unrestrained rhetorical, diplomatic, economic and political hostility to whoever stands in the way of Mr. Putin's ambitions.

The enemies' list begins with Mr. Putin's domestic critics and the vocations they represent: imprisoned Yukos CEO Mikhail Khodorkovsky; murdered journalist Anna Politkovskaya; harassed opposition leader Garry Kasparov. It continues with foreign companies which have had to forfeit multibillion-dollar investments when Kremlin-favored companies decided they wanted a piece of the action. It goes on to small neighboring democracies such as Estonia, victim of a recent Russian cyberwar when it decided to remove a monument to its Soviet subjugators from downtown Tallinn. It culminates with direct rhetorical assaults on the U.S., as when Mr. Putin suggested in a recent speech that the threat posed by the U.S., "as during the time of the Third Reich," include "the same claims of exceptionality and diktat in the world."

None of these Kremlin assaults can seriously be laid at the White House's feet, unless one believes the lurid anti-Western conspiracy theories spun out by senior Russian officials. And that brings us to Fact No. 3. Russia has become, in the precise sense of the word, a fascist state.

It does not matter here, as the Kremlin's apologists are so fond of pointing out, that Mr. Putin is wildly popular in Russia: Popularity is what competent despots get when they destroy independent media, stoke nationalistic fervor with military buildups and the cunning exploitation of the Church, and ride a wave of petrodollars to pay off the civil service and balance their budgets. Nor does it matter that Mr. Putin hasn't re-nationalized the "means of production" outright; corporatism was at the heart of Hitler's economic policy, too.

What matters, rather, is nicely captured in a remark by Russian foreign ministry spokesman Mikhail Kamynin regarding Britain's decision to expel the four diplomats. "I don't understand the position of the British government," Mr. Kamynin said. "It is prepared to sacrifice our relations in trade and education for the sake of one man."

That's a telling remark, both in its substance and in the apparent insouciance with which it was made: The whole architecture of liberal democracy is designed primarily "for the sake of one man." Not only does Mr. Kamynin seem unaware of it, he seems to think we are unaware of it. Perhaps the indulgence which the West has extended to Mr. Putin's regime over the past seven years gives him a reason to think so.

Last night, Ms. Tlisova was in Washington, D.C., to accept an award from the National Press Club on behalf of Anna Politkovskaya. "She knew she was condemned. She knew she would be killed. She just didn't know when, so she tried to achieve as much as she could in the time she had," Ms. Tlisova said in her prepared statement. "Maybe Anna Politkovskaya was indeed very damaging to the Russia that President Putin has created. But for us, the people of the Caucasus, she was a symbol of hope and faith in another Russia--a country with a conscience, honor and compassion for all its citizens."
How do we deal with the old-new Russia? By getting the facts straight. That was Politkovskaya's calling, as it is Ms. Tlisova's, as it should be ours.

Mr. Stephens is a member of The Wall Street Journal's editorial board. His column appears in the Journal Tuesdays.
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India-Pakistan
Lal Masjid crisis a 'Frankenstein monster' in the making
2007-06-02
If the Lal Masjid crisis was created by the “agencies” as some believe, “then they have landed themselves with a Frankenstein’s monster; not a big one as yet, but one they no longer know what to do with,” writes Anatol Lieven in the liberal online news and opinion portal, Open Democracy.
Is there an echo in here?
... an echo in here?
... an echo in here?
... an echo in here?
... an echo in here?
Lieven, who has reported in the past from South Asia for a leading British daily, believes that increasingly provocative actions by the militants, including the kidnap of policemen, may leave the government no choice if it is to avoid disastrous damage to its prestige, and the encouragement of even more radical actions elsewhere. The Lal Masjid has already emerged as an important link between Islamists in Pakistan proper, and the Pashtun tribesmen of the frontier areas who provide much of the backbone of the Taliban.

Lieven, who visited the Lal Masjid last month where he interviewed Abdul Rashid Ghazi, calls the 43-year old cleric “an immensely good talker, with an acute sense of what arguments will appeal most to western critics of Bush administration policies and just enough of a visible glint of steel behind his friendliness to keep his interlocutors off-balance. “He refused to have anyone else interviewed, including the students holed up there. He writes that it would be a mistake to assume, as some of the western media reporting seems to imply, that Ghazi’s group came in from outside to seize control of the mosque. Since Ghazi believes that his father was shot by the ISI, “it would argue quite strongly against him being a willing tool of the ISI.” The British journalist, now aligned with a Washington think tank, noted that the mosque complex does not seem very heavily defended, and could be stormed with relative ease. However, he found a genuine dread among officials of the mass Islamist backlash that may result if women students are killed by male police or troops, with some scenes doubtless being successfully filmed for propaganda purposes. There is also a fear that Ghazi’s followers may have packed the buildings with explosives, and intend to kill themselves and as many of the security forces as possible if the army attacks. Credence to this belief has been given by the increasing number of suicide-bombings by Islamist militants in Pakistan, including one which narrowly killing the federal interior minister.

Lieven writes that Gen. Musharraf himself is detested by the militants both for his support for the US “war on terror” and for his generally secular agenda. He speculates that Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain has been negotiating with Ghazi and his followers to find a peaceful solution, which in turn forms part of what seems to be the PML leader’s strategy of laying the basis for a possible coalition between his party and the MMA, to prevent the PPP returning to government.
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Afghanistan
West a partisan in the Afghan civil war
2007-03-28
Could also be titled "Professional intellect blows smoke, emits vapors"...
The West has taken sides in an ongoing civil war in Afghanistan, according to an area expert, who spoke at a discussion on Afghanistan hosted by the Ambassador of Pakistan, Mahmud Ali Durrani, at the Pakistan embassy on Monday.

The three speakers invited to talk about Afghanistan were Anatol Lieven, a former Times of London correspondent familiar with the region, anthropologist David B Edwards, who has worked and lived in the region for many years, and Brig Johnny Torrence-Spence, a former British military attaché in Islamabad.

Lieven found it ironic that those who were the West’s friends in Afghanistan the 1980s, were its enemies today. He said the Taliban are rooted in a genuine popular insurgency and are based on both sides of the Pak-Afghan border since Afghan refugee camps continue to exist in Pakistan.
Lieven may be "familiar with the region," but he doesn't appear to be aware of some really basic things. One of those things is that the Taliban aren't the mujaheddin who fought the Soviets. That would be the Northern Alliance - the Pandjir Valley men who followed Masood, whiskey-guzzling Dostum, Ismail Khan, dour Rasool Sayyaf, Rabbani, and the others who painfully put together an alliance of fighting men across the north and west while the Pashtoons plotted and planned and turned on each other and made their holy men rich. Hekmatyar was in bed with the KGB before he tried to steal all the marbles in the Dog Eat Dog. The Taliban were mostly kids at the time - the war against the Soviets started almost 30 years ago - and Mullah Omar was maybe a minor commander if not cannon fodder kinda sorta toward the end. He was never one of the big turbans.

The Talibs took advantage of the anarchy that Hek unleashed to try and snatch the bone from the big dogs who'd earned it. They were backed by the ISI and the Pak religious parties, who tried to own and operate them. In power they were primitive and oppressive and they allied with the Arabs who attacked us. So trying to present things as us turning on our friends carries a distinct whiff of organic fertilizer.

While their residents are getting integrated in the Pakistani society, they retain their ties to their country of origin. He found it ironic that Afghanistan keeps asking Pakistan to “do more” to prevent fighters going across the border, a border that Kabul has never recognised as the international dividing line. He stressed that the present Taliban insurgency has deep roots in Pashtun history.
Maybe Pashtun history, but Dari-speaking Afghanistan has usually been relatively civilized. In fact, that was the case up until the commies tried their coup in the mid-70s.
The Pashtuns have fought against invaders and against those they considered infidels or representatives of apostate governments. He said the Taliban are given shelter by fellow Pashtuns but that should not be taken to mean that it makes them Taliban or that they share the Taliban outlook or worldview.
The Taliban worldview is rooted in Pakhtoonwallah. Ignorance is a virtue and they're not at all fond o' them Dari-speaking city slickers.
He likened the situation to the support given to the IRA by Irishmen who were not necessarily its supporters. Lieven said the West should understand that military action alone would not bring victory.
That's the way you can tell it's an Interservices Public Relations press release. There is no possibility of victory, only negotiations with turbans. The Paks will be more than happy to act as go-betweens.
Military action has to be combined with development of the area and the uplift of the population. He said the West is trying to create an Afghan state that is inefficient, corrupt and an entity that is hated by the population since it does little for it.
And there's an active Taliban movement to make sure that remains the case. Effect, meet cause. Cause, effect.
New ways have to be found to interact with the local population, an effort in which the Muslim clergy should be involved, he suggested. To make the clergy work, it has to be paid, he stressed.
New ways have to be found to interact with the local population, an effort in which the Muslim clergy should be involved, he suggested. To make the clergy work, it has to be paid, he stressed.
Don't you just love the subtlety that goes into these efforts?
He also pointed out that while indirect rule of the tribal areas is not satisfactory, history shows that direct rule always failed. While Afghanistan is an important country in the war on terrorism, Pakistan is vital because of its size, composition and its nuclear capability.
So we can just blow off Afghanistan, suck up to Pakistan, and let them have their Strategic Depth®.
He expressed fear that if Western efforts in Afghanistan fail to achieve results, the tendency will be to blame Pakistan and to press it to stage crackdowns on radical elements, something that will lead to unrest in Pakistan and widen the conflict. The consequences for the war on terrorism could only be disastrous.
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International-UN-NGOs
The end of the West as we know it?
2006-12-31
The writer is an intellectual. As Orwell notes, no ordinary person would be this stupid.
by Anatol Lieven

Every political, social and economic system ever created has sooner or later encountered a challenge that its very nature has made it incapable of meeting. The Confucian ruling system of imperial China, which lasted for more than 2,000 years, has some claim still to be the most successful in history, but because it was founded on values of stability and continuity, rather than dynamism and inventiveness, it eventually proved unable to survive in the face of Western imperial capitalism.
Which should suggest that western capitalism has certain advantages, but read on, our intellectual proceeds to knock it down.
For market economies, and the Western model of democracy with which they have been associated, the existential challenge for the foreseeable future will be global warming. Other threats like terrorism may well be damaging, but no other conceivable threat or combination of threats can possibly destroy our entire system. As the recent British official commission chaired by Sir Nicholas Stern correctly stated, climate change "is the greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen."
Climate change hasn't even happened yet and it's the greatest challenge? I suggest that in the here and now the greatest challenge to the western model of democracy is handling the threat of Islamism. If we don't handle that properly, it will be the Islamists who will deal with whatever climate change occurs, and they'll handle it in their usual insh'allan way.
The question now facing us is whether global capitalism and Western democracy can follow the Stern report's recommendations, and make the limited economic adjustments necessary to keep global warming within bounds that will allow us to preserve our system in a recognizable form; or whether our system is so dependent on unlimited consumption that it is by its nature incapable of demanding even small sacrifices from its present elites and populations.
We don't have a system of unlimited consumption: each of us as individuals, and each state as a state, has definite limits. Anyone who's taken an economics course recognizes that; economics is the way we define limits in society and decide the relative worth of each part our daily lives.

Further, the proposals of the elite (the Left, the Euros, and the apparatchiks of the international organizations) aren't 'limited': the goal is to force a new statism on the West. Gone is democracy, replaced with institutions that will do our thinking for us. Gone are free markets, replaced with 'managed' economic models that will decide the relative value of items, and one that becomes increasingly Soviet over time: health care will be 'free', housing will be 'cheap', and we'll get exactly what we deserve. Gone is personal liberty, replaced with a collective order that defines us as groups. It is 'Metropolis' brought to the 21st century.
If the latter proves the case, and the world suffers radically destructive climate change, then we must recognize that everything that the West now stands for will be rejected by future generations. The entire democratic capitalist system will be seen to have failed utterly as a model for humanity and as a custodian of essential human interests.
And if the latter doesn't prove the case, the intellectual elites will simply move on to another global threat. The goal here isn't to deal with 'climate change': the goal is find a lever, a wedge, a tool that allows the elites, who after all are smarter than the rest of us, to exert their naturally-derived superiority over the rest of us. We the cattle need to listen to our betters. When global cooling, population explosions, nuclear anniliation and starvation didn't move us to listen, they came up with 'climate change'. They'll keep trying.
Even the relatively conservative predictions offered by the Stern report, of a drop in annual global gross domestic product of up to 20 percent by the end of this century, imply a crisis on the scale of the Great Depression of the 1930s; and as we know, the effects of that depression were not restricted to economics. In much of Europe, as well as Latin America and Japan, democracies collapsed and were replaced by authoritarian regimes.
The writer doesn't have his facts right: in the 1930s, Japan was not a democracy. Few countries in Latin America were. And the fascist and socialist movements in post-war Europe grew in the prosperous 1920s.

The writer also focuses upon the direst warnings of the Stern review to trump common sense. Yes, God might stick the Earth in His oven and bake us to a crisp. It's not likely, and climate warming models that are more plausible, with a global increase in temperature of about 1 degree Celsius, have far more moderate outcomes on the planet over the next hundred years. Those outcomes aren't scary, however, and the goal of both the Stern review and the author are to scare us into accepting their solution to the claimed problem.

Note the increasing desparation to the Left on climate change: first it was 1 degree. Then it morphed to about 3 degrees. Now you find predictions on the order of 5 to 8 degree increases over the next hundred years. Over the next fifty years. Could happen any day now, yup. Why the alarmism? As the elites see that their previous prediction fails to move us, they up the ante, hoping at some point to scare (or buffalo) us into intellectual and moral surrender.
As the report makes clear, however, if we continue with "business as usual" when it comes to the emission of greenhouse gases, then we will not have to wait till the end of the century to see disastrous consequences. Long before then, a combination of floods, droughts and famine will have destroyed states in many poorer parts of the earth — as has already occurred in recent decades in Somalia.
There's the scare tactic right there. Let's be serious: anyone see the rest of the world going the way of Somalia because of climate change? More likely it will go the way of Somalia if we allow Islamism to flourish, if we allow tribalism to persist, if we allow thugs and dictators to have their way. What's the solution to that: more western civilization, not less. Sort of blows away the whole thesis of this article.
If the conservative estimates of the Stern report are correct, then already by 2050 the effects of climate change may be such as to wreck the societies of Pakistan and Bangladesh; and if these states collapse, how can India and other countries possibly insulate themselves?
Perhaps because India is something that Pakistan and Bangaldesh aren't: India is a capitalist, democratic state that within fairly broad margins is attempting to address its many social and economic problems. The other two countries are backwards states that to a large degree are held hostage by a death-cult that prevents them from recognizing reality, much less dealing with it.
At that point, not only will today's obsessive concern with terrorism appear insignificant, but all the democratizing efforts of Western states, and of private individuals and bodies like George Soros and his Open Society Institute, will be rendered completely meaningless. So, of course, will every effort directed today toward the reduction of poverty and disease.
Mr. Soros is already meaningless: he advocates a statist, European approach to problem-solving that almost by definition can't adjust to new information, new technology and new ideas. The statist model wants to fit the 21st century into the comfortable confines of the 19th century philosophies of Hegel and Marx. This is why their approach to 'climate change' is more statism: carbon taxes, emission rules, more government agencies, more international rules, none of which really solve the problem. As Jaques Chirac once astutely noted, what matters to the statists isn't that they solve the problem but that they feel good about trying to solve it.
And this is only to examine the likely medium-term consequences of climate change. For the further future, the report predicts that if we continue with business as usual, then the rise in average global temperature could well top 5 degrees Celsius. To judge by what we know of the history of the world's climate, this would almost certainly lead to the melting of the polar ice caps, and a rise in sea levels of up to 25 meters.
It's unfortunate that the author has no sense of history: he'd recognize that 30 years ago the climate change issue of the day was global cooling. There were proposals, apparently serious, of lifting large mirrors into space so as to focus more of the sun's radiant energy on the planet. We've had Malthusian predictions of population explosions, war, famine, pestilence and starvation predicted over the years, all of which would affect the western world and all of which were just around the corner. We're still waiting.
As pointed out by Al Gore in "An Inconvenient Truth," this would mean the end of many of the world's greatest cities. The resulting human migration could be on such a scale as to bring modern civilization to an end.
Suppose for a moment that something like this began to happen: it's not like a movie; cities won't flood overnight. If New York or Dhaka or the Maldives become uninhabitable over fifty years, the population will indeed shift, but it will happen in ways that are almost inperceptible. Western countries will spend billions of dollars -- which they will have -- to mitigate the effects of flooding, or warming, or drought. The third world will do what it always does when confronted by a situation that causes a region to be unlivable: pick up and move.

And that happens frequently even today. We've seen mass migrations in Africa and Asia in our lifetimes because of climate disasters. We've seen more because of war and political unrest. It's tragic for them; I haven't seen the leftist elites do much about it other than wring their hands.

But the biggest error Lieven makes is his inability to recognize the greatest resource of western civilization: progress combined with adaptability. In trying to peer into the climate crystal ball, he completely discounts how western technology will advance to help solve the problem (to the extent that the problem is real). Need to cut carbon emissions? Need to find ways to generate energy without burning coal? Need to manage a rising ocean? Need to grow more food in changing climates? It's those blasted capitalists who will figure out how to do this. Lieven can't even see the technological changes of the past twenty years, let alone the last hundred. Those changes combined with the ability of markets to marshal resources provide us the ability to adapt, and societies that best permit technology and markets to advance are the ones that survive best in any changing environment.
If this comes to pass, what will our descendants make of a political and media culture that devotes little attention to this threat when compared with sports, consumer goods, leisure and a threat from terrorism that is puny by comparison? Will they remember us as great paragons of human progress and freedom? They are more likely to spit on our graves.
They might spit on yours. Once again the western world, using the prosperity generated by capitalism, free markets and democracy, will be the best equipped to manage any large scale, substantial climate change. We'll eat Delaware oranges. We'll grow sugar cane in South Dakota. We'll continue to live our lives because, in the end, we have three hundred million people in the U.S. who are empowered to solve problems, not just at a national level but at a personal level.

Read Dickens' Tale of Two Cities and ponder how Paris was fed. That's how we'll manage.
Underlying Western free-market democracy, and its American form in particular, is the belief that this system is of permanent value to mankind: a "New Order of the Ages," as the motto on the U.S. Great Seal has it. It is not supposed to serve only the short-term and selfish interests of existing Western populations. If our system is indeed no more than that, then it will pass from history even more utterly than Confucian China — and will deserve to do so.
A major conceit here is that it's our fault that we haven't solved the problems of peoples who refuse to live like us. It's our fault that Zimbabwe tolerates the tribalism and backwardness that allows a Robert Mugabe that robs them blind and imprisons them in a police state. It's our fault that the Venezuelans have a clown running their country who is pushing his foot down on their necks. And so on.

And of course, if the U.S. tries to solve a particular problem, from Afghanistan to Iraq, we're wrong. Of course. The convenient hubris of the Left is to damn America for both action and inaction. The 'New Order of the Ages' should yield to the wiser statism across the Atlantic, the continent that started two world wars in the last century and is hell-bent on binding everyone to their rules for survival.

Non-western societies aren't stupid: they can, if they wish, recognize the same reality we do. If climate change turns out to be real (and I have my doubts, aka the global cooling scare of the 1970s), non-western societies have the opportunity to adapt. They will likely have to become more western to manage: more democracy, not less, more capitalism, not less, more freedom, not less. Free western societies will manage. The rest of you? Sure hope you figure it out.
Link


Terror Networks
Al Qaeda wants to radicalise Western governments
2006-04-02
It is Al Qaeda policy to stage terrorist incidents in the West so that Western governments turn on Muslims, which will eventually radicalise the latter, bringing them on the same ideological wavelength as the organisation that Osama Bin Laden heads.
That's the standard objective of terrorism, to cause a state to become what the terrs already say it is. Objective One is to split the world into "us" and "them," with the "us" being defined as the terrorists' side. Read up on the FLN in Algeria. It's the classic case study. The state it led to was also a classic of brutality, not that Binny would be dwelling on that aspect of it with the Moose limbs.
Anatol Lieven, a former British journalist and now a resident scholar at a leading local think tank, speaking at an event at the Johns Hopkins University to launch Peter Bergen’s new book on Osama Bin Laden, said Al Qaeda “colonised” Afghanistan, taking advantage of the simplicity and naivety of the Taliban and their leadership, which was “deeply deferential” towards someone who hailed from Saudi Arabia, the heartland of Islam, and who also was wealthy.
They lorded it over the rubes, and the rubes ate it up. That Talibs had a harder time of it in the west and north of the country, which are rooted in Persian civilization. The pre-ayatollah Persians weren't nearly as impressed with the Arabs, since they had a genuine civilization of their own.
He said it should be remembered that the Soviet Union left Afghanistan not because it was “driven out” but because it was “worn out”. He said most Muslims, including Arabs, do not support the Al Qaeda philosophy or agenda.
But many sympathize with it, even if they don't overtly support it.
Lieven said alienated European Muslims, with their large population, are a danger to the United States. If the millions of Muslims who live in Europe become radicalised and democratic freedoms keep shrinking, that being the Al Qaeda objective, this large body of disaffected men would be a source of danger and instability to the West and the terrorist threat would become much worse than it is today.
The situation is reversed in Europe from what it was in Algeria. The pieds noires where a substantial minority, but they were still a minority. They now live in France. The European Muslims are a substantial minority, but if they push their collective luck they could end up living back in Ratholistan. They might not like it, but the ones who aren't slaughtered will be dumped. I'd say ask the Moriscos, but they are the Moriscos. They've just forgotten that part.
It is Al Qaeda’s strategy to keep hitting Western governments and societies so that they become radicalised and intolerant of Muslims, which, in turn, will pull Muslims into the Al Qaeda ideological net. This is the “spiral” that Al Qaeda wants Western Europe to get into, he added.
They're just not considering the possibility that they might lose the confrontation. I'm sure our grandchildren will be deeply ashamed of how barbaric we got, but if backed into the corner the Euros will fight them with the same viciousness they fought their historical wars.
Link


Europe
Estonia -- Lennart Meri dies ... why you should care ...
2006-03-14
EFL, and not on the Web yet (my girlfriend is close to the preparations to this first State funeral in the 2nd republic of Estonia (K. Päts got buried in Estonia after his trip to the gulag) ...

EFL ...

He has not endeared himself to everyone, however.
Anatol Lieven recounts how in 1992, when Meri was serving as ambassador to Finland, he crashed a meeting between Baltic leaders and then U.S. President George Bush.
"Addressing him as George, Meri informed [the American president] that his administration possessed neither a Russian nor a Baltic policy. In the words of one diplomat, 'before that Bush hardly remembered that the Balts existed. Now, thanks to Meri, he is furious with them.’"
Meri is also said to have an unsettling effect on Russian President Boris Yeltsin. Head-to-head talks on troop withdrawals between the two leaders in Moscow in 1994 were reportedly so lively that by the end of the marathon discussions shattered glass littered the floor beneath their negotiating table. (Meri refused to confirm the reports."I was too busy looking into Yeltsin's eyes to notice what was under the table," he said.)

RIP, Meri.
Link


Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Putin seen as increasingly isolated
2005-05-10
As Russian troops high-stepped through Red Square to commemorate World War II, some observers couldn't help but wonder which legacy Vladimir Putin prefers - the democratic present or the authoritarian past.

Many see a leader who is increasingly isolated, accumulating more power while relying on fewer people, and perhaps risking a loss of control over the vast, oil-rich, and nuclear-armed Russian Federation.

"Russia is not a strong state, it's a brittle state," said Celeste Wallander, director of the Russia/Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic & International Studies in Washington.

Yet President Bush and his aides, while protesting what they call democratic setbacks in Russia, want to maintain their relationship with Putin, the main reason they accepted his invitation to Monday's ceremony on the 60th anniversary of victory over Nazi Germany.

Bush has said his Russian counterpart is forging democracy in the face of immense challenges after decades of communist repression. "There's a lot we can do together," he said before meeting privately with Putin on Sunday.

And Putin himself has angrily disputed allegations that he has cracked down on the press and political opponents, saying democracy is growing at least as well in Russia as in the United States.

"It is beyond doubt that the people have chosen democracy, that we have established the institutions of democracy, and that the philosophy of democracy has a place in people's minds," Putin said on CBS' ``60 Minutes'' program broadcast Sunday.

Defenders of Putin note the enormous domestic pressures: aggressive business interests, organized crime, crushing poverty, and the internal politics that seem to have always characterized Russian government.

The critics' bill of particulars against Putin is growing, however: television stations virtually annexed by the Putin government; political rivals arrested; governor's elections canceled; and the ongoing, brutal, tit-for-tat war with rebels in Chechnya.

Yet Putin may also be creating vulnerabilities as well, analysts said, especially if his country is hit with another terrorist attack, as with the 2002 siege of a Moscow theater, or the horrific murders of schoolchildren in Beslan last year.

"Putin has amassed so much power, he's making himself the guarantor of Russian safety," said Leon Aron, a Russian-born scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. "And that could fall apart if there's another attack."

Russia also faces a ticking time bomb. Its population is expected to fall from 146 million to 104 million over the next half-century, thanks to low rates of fertility and high rates of alcoholism, illness and early death.

When it comes to Russia's dodgy health care system, "the government's attitude seems to be pretty close to benign neglect," said Nicholas Eberstadt, an AEI scholar who has studied Russia's demographic trends.

Then there are allegations of rampant corruption and oligarchy amid grinding poverty, causing some to pine for the old days of collectivization.

Russia's troubles are a main reason the Bush administration wants stability with the Putin government, officials said.

U.S. officials have enough on their plate without a Russian crisis, some said: trying to stabilize Iraq; seeking a peace deal between the Israelis and Palestinians; worrying about the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea.

Besides, officials and analysts said, there's not a lot the administration could do to actually change Putin's behavior except raise U.S. concerns with the Russian leader.

Bush has done so, both this week in Moscow and at a Feb. 24 meeting in the Slovak Republic. Bush and his aides said he is able to have challenging discussions with Putin because the two men have a good personal relationship.

"I've got a relationship with President Putin that enables me to be able to have a frank discussion," Bush told Estonian television before his trip.

Putin has also been frank, raising questions about the democratic nature of the U.S. Electoral College and the wisdom of the Iraq war. He has also questioned press freedom in the United States.

Charles Kupchan, an international relations specialist at Georgetown University, said Bush needs to admonish his Russian friend, "but I don't think anybody expects Putin to run back to Moscow and reverse some of the more authoritarian steps he has taken in the last several years."

"I suspect this will be the pattern of the next several years," Kupchan added.

Anatol Lieven, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said many in the West are expecting too much from Putin too soon, as it will take at least a generation for Russia to build a strong democracy.

Criticism "should be leavened with a recognition that on a number of vital issues, he is still pushing economic reform in the face of the entrenched opposition of public elites and public opinion," Lieven wrote in a recent edition of Foreign Policy.

Putin's critics frequently focus on the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a former oil magnate who had contributed to Putin's political opponents. He is now awaiting sentencing on a contested tax fraud conviction, though Putin says the case reflects well on his country's independent judiciary.

Critics also point to Putin's alleged efforts to influence the contested election in Ukraine. That nation's anti-Russian "Orange Revolution," coming on the heels of the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia, undermines Putin's political position at home.

There is some evidence the Bush administration's conservative supporters in the United States may push them to get more aggressive with Putin.

"There's been a dramatic, decided and quite dangerous decline of democracy in Russia," said Bruce Jackson, director of the conservative-leaning Project on Transitional Democracies. "They've got to start drawing red lines for Putin's government that haven't been there before."

Some Republican members of Congress, meanwhile, have proposed forcing Russia out of the G-8 economic group. Putin plans to host the group's summit next year, and is expected to invest as much prestige in that event as in the 60th anniversary celebration of V-E Day.

Bush administration officials said that in some ways Putin is getting a bad rap.

While critics ripped Putin for calling the collapse of the Soviet Union the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century - as opposed to the two world wars, or the Holocaust - Bush noted that he devoted most of that speech to the topic of democracy.

The questions surrounding Putin will come to a head in 2008, when his presidential term limits are supposed to kick in. Some wonder if he will try to change the rules instead and hold on to power.

Meanwhile, supporters of democracy hold their breath about both Putin and the fate of his country.

"Russia has nuclear weapons," Wallander said. "When you break something like that, it doesn't break neatly."
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