| India-Pakistan |
| Adivasis retaliate, kill 5 Bodos |
| 2014-12-25 |
| [TIMESOFINDIA.INDIATIMES] The corpse count in the Bodoland violence rose to 76 on Wednesday with the recovery of more bodies, Adivasi miscreants killing five Bodos in Chirang and Sonitpur districts and death of three Adivasi protesters in police firing in Sonitpur district. Over 5,000 people belonging to Adivasi and Bodo communities have left their homes and taken shelter in schools and churches in the affected districts. State agriculture minister Nilamani Sen Deka, who was in Kokrajhar to oversee setting up of relief camps, said six relief camps have been set up in which there are about 3,000 inmates from both the communities. Security forces have launched an operation to flush out 80-odd cadres of the Songbijit faction of National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) who are responsible for Tuesday's carnage. |
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| India-Pakistan | |||
| Daimary held, handed over to BSF | |||
| 2010-05-02 | |||
Guwahati: The founder-chief of the militant outfit, National Democratic Front of Boroland, Ransaigra Nabla Daimary (alias D.R. Nabla or Ranjan Daimary), was held in Bangladesh and handed over to the Border Security Force late on Friday night.
The 51-year-old insurgent leader was wanted in a number of cases including the October 30, 2008 serial blasts in Assam in which 88 persons were killed, at least 540 were injured and public property worth Rs.2.99 crore was damaged. Interpol also issued a Red Corner notice against him. The Central Bureau of Investigation, in its charge sheet filed on May 25, 2009 in connection with the serial blasts, named 19 persons, including Daimary, accused. Its investigation revealed that the nine serial bomb blasts in Guwahati, Barpeta Road, Bongaigaon and Kokrajhar were triggered by the NDFB. Daimary had been president of the NDFB since its inception on October 3, 1986. The outfit was originally known as the Boro Security Force and re-christened the NDFB in 1993. However, the NDFB general assembly on December 15, 2008 replaced him by B. Sungthagra (alias Dhiren Boro). But, 12 days after his removal, Daimary claimed that he was still president. On January 1, 2009 the NDFB expelled Daimary for his alleged involvement in the October 30, 2008 blasts. This split the outfit into two, with one faction led by Sungthagra known as the NDFB (ceasefire) and the other as the NDFB (Ranjan Daimary).
However, he later went underground and operated out of his bases in Bangladesh along with armed cadres of the third battalion of the outfit. | |||
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| Southeast Asia |
| Suspected Militants Bomb Indian State |
| 2004-12-14 |
| GAUHATI, India (AP) - Suspected separatist militants launched a series of coordinated bombings Tuesday across India's northeastern state of Assam, killing two people and wounding at least 44, police said. The six attacks - two were bombs hidden in bicycle bags, three were grenade attacks and another was a bomb set off outside a railway station - were in Gauhati, the capital of Assam, and other towns in the state...Police have not said who they suspect in the string of Tuesday bombings, but they suspect the United Liberation Front of Asom, or ULFA, in the Monday attacks. ULFA, a guerrilla group that has been seeking an independent homeland in Assam since 1979, is the largest of the region's militant groups. Last week, ULFA rejected an invitation by the federal government for unconditional peace talks, saying the offer did not mention its main demand of sovereignty. At least 10,000 people, mostly civilians, have died in fighting in the past 15 years between the government and the rebels of ULFA and another separatist group, the National Democratic Front of Boroland. Assam's state government offered a peace deal to both groups in September. The ULFA rejected the peace overtures, while NDFB responded with a cease-fire offer. |
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| India-Pakistan | |
| India may crack down on ârebelsâ in Bangladesh | |
| 2004-01-03 | |
Bangladesh is now under considerable pressure to either flush out alleged Indian rebels from its territory or allow Indian forces to flush them out. After Bhutan, Myanmar is now joining India to raid militant bases in its territory. Most militant outfits engaged in the northeastern Indian states have their bases in Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. But, Dhaka has always denied the existence of such bases.
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| India-Pakistan | ||
| Operation Clean Up | ||
| 2003-12-23 | ||
| At the crack of dawn, December 15, 2003, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck unleashed his small military machine to expel an excess of 3,000 heavily armed Indian separatist rebels belonging to three different groups - the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB) and the Kamatapur Liberation Organization (KLO). These rebels had made the Himalayan kingdom their home for the past 12 years, and from here they launched murderous hit-and-run strikes on security forces, other symbols of Governmental authority, as well as civilians, on Indian soil. After years of vacillation, why did Thimphu decide to act now? The ULFA has been operating in Bhutan ever since the Indian Army launched Operation Bajrang in November 1990. The NDFB joined the ULFA later. It is, in fact, the relatively smaller and rag-tag group, the KLO, and its affiliations and linkages, more than the ULFA or the NDFB, that provide the key to the question as to why Thimphu chose to act now. Security circles in both India and Bhutan had been rattled by news of the launching of the Bhutan Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) on April 22, 2003, the 133rd birth anniversary of Lenin. Pamphlets widely circulated by this new group in the Bhutanese refugee camps in Nepal and in areas inside Bhutan itself revealed that the new partyâs objective was to "smash the monarchy" and establish a "true and new democracy" in Bhutan. That was enough for the Indian and Bhutanese security establishment to put the ULFA, NDFB and the KLO under intensive surveillance and scrutiny. It didnât take long for New Delhi and Thimphu to identify the KLO as the group with a far greater nuisance value than perhaps the ULFA or the NDFB. The KLO is active and has pockets of influence in the strategic North areas of West Bengal and could act as a bridge between the Maoist guerrillas in Nepal (the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist, or CPN-M) and the newly emerging Maoist force in Bhutan. Indian intelligence agencies were also aware of the fact that the KLO had provided sanctuary to fleeing Maoist rebels from Nepal, that the outfit has acted as a link between the Nepalese Maoists and radical left-wing activists in the Indian State of Bihar, and that it had received help from the Maoists in setting up a number of explosives manufacturing units in North Bengal. It was these deepening linkages that forced both New Delhi and Thimphu to agree that it was time to launch a direct assault on the rebels in Bhutan before the situation went out of hand. Maoist groups seem to be growing quite large in India, Nepal, and now Bangladesh, so similar groups emerging in Bhutan was probably just a matter of time. Although the King might have saved his country by acting now, rather than latter.
That leaves two main options for the rebels to look for as an alternative destination: Bangladesh or Nepal. Neither, however, is going to be as easy as it had been in Bhutan. Contacts in Bangladesh will certainly be able to provide the rebels some more safe-houses (top ULFA leaders have been operating from safe houses in Bangladesh for years now), but that will not be enough to maintain a strike force of several hundred, or even several thousand, people. Areas within Nepal that are currently dominated by the Maoists, and where the Governmentâs presence is weak, may provide a temporary safe haven. However, considering Kathmanduâs friendly ties with New Delhi, this could at best serve as a transit base for the Northeast Indian rebels, and they would eventually be targeted by Nepalâs security forces. There has long been dissatisfaction among the ULFA cadres based in Bhutan on the hardship they have had to suffer, while the top leadership lives in relative security and significant luxury in Bangladesh.
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