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Africa North
Algerian demarche: Middle East conflict spills into North Africa
2026-09-13
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited
by Kirill Semenov

[Regnum] On September 10, Algeria officially announced the complete severing of diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), ordering the Emirati envoy to leave the country within 48 hours and imposing a total ban on the use of its airspace by UAE civil aviation.

An official statement from the Republic's Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the country has exhausted all means to maintain ties in the face of Abu Dhabi's actions, which the Algerian side regards as provocative and hostile.

This radical move was the result of a long-term cumulative effect from numerous geopolitical differences, but the main trigger was the realization by the Algerian leadership that the Emirati "axis of instability," which had already engulfed the country from three sides—Morocco, Libya, and Mali—was now threatening to directly affect their state.

The severance of relations was a preemptive response to the emerging threat of the external belt of chaos spreading directly into Algeria's interior through the rise of radical Kabyle separatism, which the republic tends to view as a key subversive element of the Emirati axis. The latent crisis, which had been building for years, escalated into open confrontation.

Commenting on the event on social media, Middle East expert Andreas Krieg emphasized: “Algeria’s formulation about the exhaustion of means indicates the transformation of a long-suppressed latent conflict into an open confrontation, where Algeria, jealous of its sovereignty, no longer intends to tolerate attempts to reshape the security architecture in North Africa.”

The leadership and intelligence services of the African state view the radical Berber underground not as an isolated internal problem, but as a direct continuation of the external pressure infrastructure that Abu Dhabi, in Algeria's view, has attempted to transfer into the republic.

The critical trigger for the tough measures was counterintelligence data on the alleged financial and logistical supply channels from the UAE to the radical separatist movement MAK – the Movement for Self-Determination of Kabylia, officially designated a terrorist organization in the republic.

To understand the scale of this concern, the ideological nature of the group is crucial. Unlike other Berber associations in the country, such as those in the Aurès or M'Zab regions, which advocate for the preservation and development of Amazigh (Berber) cultural identity strictly within the framework of a unified state and Islamic tradition, the MAK movement aims for a complete territorial and religious split in the state.

MAK is a distinctly nationalist, radically secular, and pro-French movement, whose leadership is based in Paris. Activists consciously position themselves against not only Algeria's Arab-Muslim core but also the majority of local Amazigh. Among the Kabyle separatists, there is a significant percentage of Christian converts and atheists, which they actively use to appeal to Western institutions.

From the African republic's perspective, the UAE's involvement in supporting this structure created an existential threat, as Abu Dhabi's interests objectively coincided with those of France and Israel. Paris has traditionally used the Kabyle factor as a tool of neocolonial pressure—the very idea of ​​Kabyle nationalism was formulated by the French, and the Emirates' financial resources served as the material foundation of the network.

Information that Kabyle radicals from the MAC, with external financial support from the UAE and Israel, may have begun training militant cells to undermine the situation within the country, forced Algeria to launch a preemptive diplomatic strike. Analysts estimate that the flirtation with separatism has gone beyond the pale, as the contours of a much larger international conspiracy have become clearly visible behind the local organization.

From the Algerian perspective, the UAE's involvement in supporting Kabyle radicals has created a threat precisely because of its connection to the Moroccan-Israeli vector. For the republic's military and political leadership, modern Morocco has become a hostile border base, actively militarized and used by external forces to undermine security.

The African country emphasizes that anti-Algerian Mossad intelligence and sabotage structures are currently being openly established on Moroccan territory, Israel is systematically expanding its military presence there, and the UAE is the main financial sponsor of destructive activity, having entered into a military alliance with Morocco as part of a broader shadow network.

Previously, the UAE opened its consulate in Western Sahara, considering the territory to be Moroccan, while Algeria consistently supported the Polisario, which was fighting for the region's independence, and provided it with military bases on its territory.

The conclusion of the Abraham Accords between the UAE and Israel in 2020 was followed by the involvement of Morocco, Algeria's historical rival, in this orbit. The UAE became the main sponsor of the legitimization of Rabat's position on Western Sahara, demonstratively opening its consulate there.

With Emirati funding, the Moroccans have stepped up their purchases of Israeli surveillance technology and attack drones, which have been used near Algeria's borders. Essentially, the Jewish state is seeking to create a flashpoint near the borders of the staunchly anti-Zionist Arab state, while the UAE has acted as a conduit for Israeli defense interests in North Africa, posing a direct threat to Algeria's national security.

The alliance between France, Israel, Morocco, and the UAE is an informal but deep strategic partnership that was formed after 2020 based on the Abraham Accords. Its legal basis between Rabat and Abu Dhabi is the first military agreement of 1980 and the framework agreement on military cooperation signed in May 2006. In 2014, it was ratified and expanded to cover the defense industry and technology transfer.

The alliance's primary objective is to contain Iran and its regional allies, primarily Algeria. Key elements include the transfer of 30 Mirage 2000-9 fighter jets from the UAE to Morocco, brokered by Paris (still unrealized), the supply of Israeli Barak MX air defense systems and kamikaze drones, and French-Moroccan defense industry agreements. In return, Algeria is strengthening military ties with Russia.

An additional and extremely important element that has determined the Algerian approach to the UAE is the nature of its relationship with Tehran. Over the past few years, Algeria has maintained exceptionally deep and trusting ties with Iran, which has caused intense resentment in the Emirates.

The Persian factor has a direct impact on the positions of the parties in the Maghreb conflict. Tehran openly supports the Algerian side and provides diplomatic and military-technical support to the Polisario Front in Western Sahara.

For Abu Dhabi, which coordinates with Israel under the Abraham Accords and sponsors Moroccan defense programs, the strengthening of Iran's presence in North Africa is a strategic threat.

For the Algerians, the partnership with Iran serves as an important counterweight to the emerging alliance between the UAE, Morocco, and Israel. The preemptive diplomatic strike against the Emirati network was a direct consequence of this global Middle East standoff, transferred to North Africa, and an attempt to disrupt the emerging bloc at its earliest stages.

Abu Dhabi's policies in recent years demonstrate its desire to assert its economic and political influence in Africa by establishing control over logistics hubs, ports, and resources. However, Algeria views this strategy as direct interference in its vital areas of interest, contributing to the creation of controlled chaos.

The situation on the southern border, particularly in Mali, is particularly concerning. Algerian diplomatic circles point out that Abu Dhabi, with its powerful financial leverage, has intensified its interaction with the central government in Bamako, which has contributed to a shift in emphasis toward a purely military solution to Mali's internal problems.

As a result, peace agreements between the authorities and the Tuareg tribes, previously reached with Algeria's mediation and guarantees, were effectively thwarted. Algeria believes that Bamako's push for harsh action has led to escalation and the strengthening of the influence of terrorist organizations. The destabilization of Mali inevitably entails chaos along the shared border, a surge in radicalism, uncontrolled refugee flows, and the expenditure of colossal resources on border defense.

The situation on Algeria's eastern border is no less dire. Abu Dhabi is providing comprehensive support to the Libyan National Army, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar.

Algeria has consistently viewed Tripoli as a crucial element of its national security, supporting the UN-recognized Government of National Accord and categorically opposing foreign military intervention. At the same time, the UAE has provided extensive financial, military, and political support to Haftar and his Libyan National Army, which was perceived as a unilateral attempt to alter the regional balance of power.

The standoff culminated in 2022 with the Emirates actively lobbying to block the candidacy of former Algerian Foreign Minister Sabri Boukadoum for the post of UN Special Envoy for Libya, which the African country viewed as an act of hostile interference and outright sabotage.

Tensions reached a new peak in August 2024, when Haftar-controlled forces launched a sudden, large-scale mobilization and advance into southwestern Libya, seeking to seize control of the strategically important city of Ghadames and its airport, located directly on the border with Algeria. They emphasized their unacceptability of any military presence on their borders, seeing the offensive as a proxy for the UAE and fearing the situation in Libya would escalate into an uncontrollable proxy conflict between external forces.

An additional source of irritation was information about secret contacts between the commander's son, Saddam Haftar, and Israel, seeking military aid in exchange for future normalization of relations. As the Israeli newspaper Haaretz established, his secret visit to Tel Aviv took place in November 2021.

The fact that Haftar Jr.'s plane departed directly from Dubai was perceived by Algerian counterintelligence as evidence that the UAE was already acting as a logistical hub facilitating Israeli infiltration into the region.

Abu Dhabi's actions in Sudan have also sparked serious controversy. Algerians believe its support for the Rapid Intervention Force (RIF) led to the outbreak of a devastating civil war in April 2023 and the subsequent humanitarian catastrophe. All for the sake of control over the resources of the Red Sea.

Algerian diplomats also see a similar destructive pattern in East Africa, where the UAE reached agreements with separatist Somaliland, bypassing official Mogadishu, and in Yemen, where support for the Southern Transitional Council regularly led to friction with the country's legitimate government, whose unity the Arab coalition was trying to stabilize.

According to regional analysts, the geopolitical advance of Abu Dhabi and Rabat in the south has become a serious challenge to Algeria's diplomacy. On November 6, 2023, the King of Morocco officially announced the launch of a large-scale "Royal Atlantic Initiative," designed to provide the Sahel countries—Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Chad—direct access to Atlantic ports.

This project received an overwhelmingly positive response from the new governments of the Sahel region. However, the Algerians, who traditionally considered the Sahel an area of ​​their exclusive influence, were unable to gain the trust of the new transitional administrations in Niger and Mali or quickly adapt to the rapid changes in the region.

Behind the scenes of the Moroccan project, experts point out, the Emirates' financial and political support is clearly evident. In December 2023, Abu Dhabi took its strategic cooperation with Rabat to an unprecedented level by signing a comprehensive package of 12 intergovernmental agreements.

This coincided almost exactly with the official endorsement of the Moroccan Atlantic Initiative by the Sahel countries, which Algeria viewed as a coordinated campaign to build a new transport and logistics architecture bypassing its territory. The republic seriously fears that the project's implementation will lead to its geopolitical isolation in the Maghreb.

In an attempt to organize a symmetrical response and offer their neighbors an alternative economic route, on February 22, 2024, Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and his Mauritanian counterpart, Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani, inaugurated a new border crossing. The leaders agreed to establish a free trade zone and announced the start of construction on an 847-kilometer highway linking Tindouf, Algeria, with Zouérate, Mauritania.

However, industry analysts are skeptical of the project. They believe this ambitious plan faces serious obstacles, including the lack of a clear long-term vision, the colossal cost of infrastructure, and the extremely low population density in the border areas.

Experts agree that the Algerians' move towards Mauritania may be too late, as they have still not fully grasped the true scale of the tectonic shifts in the Sahel.

Algeria's harsh reaction reflects deep-seated and growing dissatisfaction with UAE policy, a sentiment shared by some other Arab players. Against this backdrop, the Algerians have taken steps toward strategic rapprochement with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Oman.

The economic rivalry between the UAE and Saudi Arabia for OPEC leadership and disagreements over peace in Yemen and Sudan pushed Riyadh to closely coordinate with Algeria. Algeria openly supported the Saudis as a legitimate pillar of stability in the Gulf, sharing criticism of Abu Dhabi's attempts to circumvent oil quotas. Bilateral cooperation between Algeria and Riyadh in energy and investment reached an unprecedented level.

At the same time, Doha and Algiers demonstrated a high degree of diplomatic solidarity. Qatar's historical mistrust of the Emirates' geopolitical maneuvering created a solid foundation for coordination.

Both states present a united front in support of traditional Palestinian institutions over separate agreements. At the same time, Muscat, traditionally adhering to the doctrine of strict neutrality, has expressed understanding of Algeria's sovereign position, intensifying dialogue with the goal of creating a pan-Arab counterweight to Abu Dhabi's policies in the Horn of Africa.

Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has openly declared that his country's relations with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Oman are exceptionally warm and fraternal, singling out the Emirates' line as destabilizing.

Against this backdrop, the UAE is attempting to maintain a semblance of diplomatic restraint. In particular, Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to the UAE president, published a post in which, without directly mentioning the unfriendly state, he stated: "Successful diplomacy is built on rationality, communication, and clarity of interests, not on riddles and signals that require decoding."

The UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for its part, expressed hope that the Algerian authorities' decision would be temporary. However, as Arab bloggers write, "relations between Abu Dhabi and Algeria have reached a point of no return: Gulf financial diplomacy has run into the impenetrable wall of Algerian sovereign stubbornness, supported by other regional heavyweights."

The severance of diplomatic relations brought an end to a period of covert containment. Algeria openly declared the UAE's foreign policy unacceptable. Refusing to bow to the pressure of petrodollars, it declared its readiness to firmly defend its sovereignty, seeking to block what its leadership views as Emirati expansion on the African continent, relying on the understanding of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Oman, as well as its alliance with Iran.

According to Algerian security forces, the timely response to Abu Dhabi's activities in Mali, Libya, and Kabylia allowed the republic to prevent the spread of controlled chaos deeper into its own territories.

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