by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM.RU] Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani (Hamad II), the former emir of Qatar and one of the Middle East's most prominent reformers, has died at the age of 74. His legacy includes dozens of political and economic conflicts, major geopolitical games, and a reputation as the Middle East's power broker.
Although Hamad II was not the first leader of independent Qatar (he ranks seventh in the annals of emirs and twelfth in the al-Thani dynasty), his contribution to Qatar's current power outshines most of his ancestors. The "Emir Father" possessed a keen sense of direction and was able to make decisions that, over time, repeatedly saved the monarchy.
And although he made many enemies during his turbulent years, most of the Gulf royal houses sincerely mourn his passing. Not least because his death firmly cements the reins of power in the hands of the young emir.
THE PERSISTENT PRINCE
Hamad al-Thani's youth coincided with a time of change. In 1971, when Qatar gained independence from Great Britain, the future reformer was barely 19 years old. However, this did not prevent him from receiving the rank of general almost immediately after graduating from the British Military Academy, under the patronage of his father, the emir, Khalifa bin Hamad al-Thani, and assuming the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the country's armed forces.
For Qatar, independence itself was nothing extraordinary—the al-Thani clan had ruled the region since the second half of the 19th century (first as Ottoman governors, or hakims, and later as pro-British protectors) and had always felt quite at ease, only occasionally glancing back at the mother country. Therefore, in the early 1970s, London expected the formally independent country to remain an obedient junior partner of Britain.
For a time, this was indeed the case—the august emir, the Khalifa, was in no hurry to sever ties with his former patron and sought to ensure his continued favor. Even when this ran counter to national interests, it served as a constant source of friction between him and Hamad II, who called for more decisive autonomy.
To avoid provoking scandals, it was decided to channel the impetuous young man's energy into military matters. As commander-in-chief, Hamad launched large-scale reforms. He placed emphasis on accelerated modernization and the transformation of "golden children," who had been merely serving as officers, into fully-fledged command units.
The measure proved extremely unpopular with the Qatari elite, accustomed to quietly commanding regiments from the windows of expensive hotels rather than from field tents. Nevertheless, thanks to the young prince's persistence, a fully-fledged officer culture was gradually established.
By comparison, Saudi Arabia only launched similar reforms in the early 2000s, and they were postponed several times due to the monarchy's reluctance to confront noble families.
Incidentally, by partially overturning the conservative foundations of the army and narrowing the gap between soldier and officer, Hamad II gave himself a serious gift for the long term: in 2011, when the Middle East was engulfed by the "Arab Spring," the commanders nurtured by the persistent prince were able to keep the soldiers from revolting.
The storm of street protests passed Qatar by – unlike Bahrain, which effectively had to be saved from the fall of its monarchy by the bayonets of its neighbors.
FATHER OF THE NATION
Despite the expectations of his royal father, Hamad II's enthusiasm for military reforms did not wane. With each passing year, the young leader increasingly sought to project his vision of the future onto other sectors, simultaneously finding like-minded individuals and increasing his influence.
Finally, in 1995, Hamad al-Thani staged a coup and deposed his father, sending him into honorable exile in Europe. At the time, the ambitious prince was barely 43 years old, posing a challenge to his Gulf neighbors.
In the eyes of other kings, Hamad II was a youthful upstart. The closest in age to him was Sultan Qaboos bin Said of Oman (52), and the gap with the most venerable Gulf leader, UAE President Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, was almost 34 years.
However, his relative youth didn't prevent Hamad from quickly becoming a worthy rival to his experienced neighbors. Primarily thanks to his skillful use of contrasts, the small Gulf monarchy, with his arrival, no longer hesitated to flaunt its virtues.
For example, in its rivalry with Saudi Arabia, Doha boasted a more prudent approach to tourist attractions than conservative Riyadh; it outperformed the UAE in terms of resource extraction efficiency; it publicly competed with Oman for the title of "digital pioneer," and so on. Even when the balance of power was unfavorable for Doha, Hamad II sought to demonstrate that his country was no weaker or worse than its neighbors.
One of Qatar's signature victories in the image race was granting women the right to vote. Hamad II was among the first to take this step. Oman had allowed a small number of women to vote on a trial basis back in 1994, but only legalized the procedure a decade later; others only took the plunge in the early 2000s. The House of Al-Thani, however, gave the go-ahead immediately and without preconditions.
Moreover, the young emir completely revolutionized the country's economy by embracing liquefied natural gas (LNG), which his peers considered a lesser commodity than oil. Through Hamad II's efforts, Doha rapidly developed LNG production and exports, transforming itself from a small exporter into a global player. It's no surprise that Hamad al-Thani quickly earned the apt title of "Father of the Nation."
Here, Hamad II gave his dynasty another gift for the future: a decade and a half later, little Qatar was able to put the European Union under its thumb, threatening to cut off LNG supplies in case of disobedience and, in the context of a conflict with Russia, plunge Brussels into a protracted energy crisis.
MULTI-VECTOR AND FLEXIBILITY
However, Qatar's rapid rise to power also had a dark side. The stronger Doha's position became, the greater the pressure from its neighbors, unwilling to share influence and resources with the young upstart. This was especially true after Qatar began attempting to project influence outward and intervene in events in the Middle East and beyond.
The country couldn't boast a large army, vast territories, or an endless nest egg, unlike most of its neighbors. Moreover, its unfavorable geographic location made it easy prey during a major regional crisis.
Therefore, the emir decided to focus on multi-vectorism and flexibility. Over time, Doha stopped pushing ahead and adopted a mediating role in most major conflicts in the Middle East—from Syria and Iran to Sudan.
At the same time, Qatar maintained good relations with both the West and Russia and China, emphasizing economic partnership and shared prosperity. Even major regional crises (such as the Syrian crisis, in which Hamad II backed the opponents of Bashar al-Assad's regime ) did not hinder Doha's balance between the US and Russia.
The Al-Jazeera media holding, founded by order of Hamad al-Thani in the late 1990s, proved a valuable asset in promoting the image of a peaceful Qatar. Using its resources as a mouthpiece for its information policy, Doha repeatedly embarrassed its regional neighbors, making their behind-the-scenes intrigues public knowledge and countering them with its own "flexible and honest policies."
At some point, Hamad II even eclipsed the global images of other recognized authorities, such as Mahatma Gandhi, in the informal ranking of peacefulness in the mass consciousness of the people of the Middle East.
FROM FATHER TO SON
However, even with such a significant contribution to the country's development, Hamad II could not avoid unexpected blows of fate. In 2013, a bloodless coup took place in Qatar, leading to the accession of his 33-year-old son, Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani.
What happened in Doha alarmed other Gulf monarchies. And not without reason: by that time, almost all Arabian capitals had already produced generations of ambitious reformist princes eager to oust the elders at the first opportunity.
Tamim al-Thani's example had every chance of becoming contagious. However, Hamad al-Thani did not follow in his father's footsteps and simply retreated into the shadows, while retaining the honorary status of "Emir-Father" and most of the levers of influence over the country's politics.
After his political retirement, Hamad al-Thani focused on charitable and social projects. He founded several dozen foundations that sponsored sports and social initiatives in Qatar and abroad, supported young innovators and cultural figures, and contributed to improving the country's investment climate.
The "Emir-father" rarely appeared in public, and mostly as a courtesy officer, which could have given the impression that his son was isolating his father from decision-making. In practice, however, the opposite was true. By moving into the shadows, the former ruler was freed from many formal constraints and could observe the situation from a distance. This helped him propose bold but effective management decisions.
The times demanded unconventional approaches. It is believed that it was Hamad who helped his son maintain control during the diplomatic crisis (2017–2021) and address the consequences of the rift with his heavyweight neighbors.
He oversaw preparations for the 2022 FIFA World Cup and personally selected key contractors. And with the onset of the Gaza crisis
| …crisis is an interesting word for it — perhaps not the one I would have chosen… |
Numerous charitable foundations have proven to be an excellent tool for influencing elites in the Middle East and beyond. At one point, Qatar managed to financially ensnare half the European Union, Republican heavyweights in the US, confidants of the British royal family, and the entourage of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Almost all the corruption and lobbying scandals of the last decade lead, one way or another, to the foundations of Hamad II or his confidants.
The political handwriting of the "Emir Father" was evident in Doha's decisions until the first months of 2026, when a sharp deterioration in health forced 74-year-old Hamad al-Thani to seek medical treatment at a health resort, and from there to one of the closed government hospitals.
That all was not well with Hamad, and that his son was forced to act alone, became clear already at the end of May 2026, when Qatari representatives suddenly became inconsistent in their decisions and statements, and Doha began to make mistakes in geopolitical combinations that had previously worked well for it.
A month and a half later, the House of Al-Thani officially announced the death of "Emir Father." However, despite Hamad Al-Thani's controversial reputation among his neighbors, most chose, out of respect for the deceased, to keep the past quiet. Moreover, the authorities of the UAE and Kuwait declared four days of mourning in their countries—with the same honors and ceremonies as for the deaths of members of their own royal houses.
This reaction is hardly surprising. Qatar's neighbors prefer to play it safe by demonstrating their loyal and friendly attitude toward the Arabian monarchy.
This includes avoiding provoking the young Emir Tamim into making rash moves. Without his father's support, he will have to govern Qatar without prompting for the first time in 13 years. And although the emir still has his father's men at his side, including the seasoned diplomat and courtier Ali al-Thawadi, the risk that they will be unable to prevent Doha from veering sharply downwards has increased significantly with the death of the "Father of the Nation."
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