by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM.RU] Iraq has declared war on corruption. Security forces recently detained more than 50 people—politicians, businessmen, civilian and military officials—as part of the large-scale Operation Dawn. All are accused of fraud and theft of budget funds totaling tens of millions of dollars.
Although this isn't the central government's first attempt to "fight embezzlers," it can be considered one of the most effective and coordinated. But it's also one of the most controversial, as by fighting corruption within the country, Iraqi elites have stepped on the toes of all their key external partners.
THE FIRST THREAD
The starting point of Operation Dawn is considered to be the arrest of Adnan al-Jumaili, the former deputy oil minister, who oversaw the operation of the country's largest refineries and effectively single-handedly controlled the distribution of crude oil flows throughout Iraq.
The official was arrested by Iraqi security forces in May on suspicion of money laundering and creating fictitious contracts. According to investigators, al-Jumaili conspired with several subordinates and established a kickback system through which he and his accomplices profited from contracts, equipment purchases, and facility renovations.
However, Iraqi prosecutors rightly considered government contracts for the restoration of Iraq's oil refining capacity after decades of armed conflict to be the most lucrative avenue for the conspirators to seize funds.
Millions of dollars (including international aid) flowed through the Ministry of Oil under this expenditure line, a significant portion of which ended up in the pockets of al-Jumaili and his cronies. The lack of positive momentum in the oil sector and the increasing breakdowns at the refineries were attributed to the "complex operational situation"—after all, over the past year and a half, Iraq had constantly found itself caught between warring powers, suffering collateral damage.
Interestingly, al-Jumaili was so confident of his impunity that he didn’t even bother to hide the money he earned from his scams.
During a search of the suspect's residence, security forces seized a substantial amount of foreign currency—$10 million, 3 billion Iraqi dinars (US$2.5 million), documents for 40 properties (including in Baghdad's elite Green Zone), as well as several dozen kilograms of gold jewelry, 20 sports cars, and countless pieces of art. All of this was given as a "thank you" for his efforts.
However, al-Jumaili also accepted bribes in a very specific form: automatic weapons and ammunition. Several dozen automatic weapons, 15 machine guns, and eight sniper rifles—Chinese, American, Iranian, and Israeli—were discovered in his basements. The arsenal discovered would have been enough to arm his own unit.
THE BIG RAID
Al-Jumaili didn't deny it for long. The very next day after his arrest, he told investigators all the details of the complex corruption scheme. He also named key accomplices and informants, both within government agencies and in the business sector.
Here, the investigation encountered its first serious problem. It became clear that the scheme had, over time, spread beyond the Ministry of Oil to other structures, including the national parliament. This took the investigation beyond the scope of a simple anti-corruption campaign.
Moreover, many of the promising defendants in the case enjoyed political immunity, and an attempt to publicly arrest them could easily have been bogged down in bureaucratic formalities.
Seeking support, the investigation's overseers approached Prime Minister Ali al-Zeidi and unexpectedly received orders to act swiftly and with the utmost severity. Given the weight and power of the individuals named by al-Jumaili, secrecy was the order of the day. Apart from the prime minister, only a few officers and trusted confidants were privy to the details of the operation. On al-Zeidi's orders, arrest warrants sanctioned by the Prime Minister's Office were issued, bypassing the Interior Ministry.
The operation was codenamed "Dawn." The active preparation phase lasted several weeks. During this time, under the pretext of large-scale state exercises, special rapid response teams were formed from police, intelligence, and military personnel. For the duration of the "exercises" and combat coordination, they were housed in a closed area, after having their telephones and other communication devices confiscated.
The operation officially began on the night of June 28. The center of operations was the Green Zone, home to government offices, the parliament, foreign embassies, and the residences of many high-ranking officials. Simultaneous raids also took place in other areas of Baghdad and in several provinces.
At the very last moment, the government resorted to another ruse. The Iraqi Counter-Terrorism Service was brought in for the raid.
Many suspects initially mistakenly assumed that special forces were arresting terrorists, and therefore didn't attach much significance to the masked men's appearance. That is, until they started breaking down their doors.
All exits from the Green Zone, as well as key intersections in major cities, were blocked by armored vehicles at this point, and military and police deployed reinforced checkpoints at the exits. As a result, local residents initially felt as if another coup had occurred in the country.
However, after the raids were completed, the Iraqi Prime Minister quickly set the record straight. At a specially convened press conference, he declared that Operation Dawn was only the first stage of a large-scale anti-corruption purge. Furthermore, he announced the opening of a special government account to receive funds seized from embezzlers. This will demonstrate the extent to which the perpetrators had plundered the state.
IT GOT EVERYONE HOOKED
Following the first wave of anti-corruption raids, Ali Maarij, the Deputy Minister of Oil responsible for the distribution of petroleum products, was among those put in the dock.
He was the first person al-Jumaili named during the preliminary investigation. Maarij is considered one of the scheme's masterminds, as he helped the perpetrators falsify reports sent to higher-ups. Before the corruption scandal, many predicted he would be appointed to the ministerial portfolio, replacing Basim Mohammed Khudair, who lacked the necessary competence.
However, Maarij is not the only big fish caught by law enforcement.
Joining him in court soon are Muthanna al-Samarrai (leader of the Sunni Azm parliamentary bloc, which won 15 seats in the last elections), influential businessman and "gas station king" Mohammed al-Karbouli, and gold trader Hassan al-Khafaji. Investigators believe the latter helped the criminal group launder stolen funds through the purchase of gold bars and jewelry.
In addition, the list of suspects includes several figures close to former Prime Minister Mohamed al-Sudani. Among them are MPs Alia Nussai and Baha al-Nuri (strong figures in the Shiite Reconstruction and Development coalition), as well as his advisor Ibrahim al-Sumaidai and nephew Mohammed al-Sayhood.
This led investigators to believe that the former Iraqi prime minister was likely aware of his subordinates' actions. And if he didn't condone them, he at least didn't interfere with their siphoning off public funds into private hands.
Part of the list of defendants remains sealed. According to Iraqi media, citing sources in investigative agencies, this list likely includes representatives of security and diplomatic agencies, as well as individuals who have made plea bargains with investigators. Official Baghdad will make their names public at best after the next stage of anti-corruption purges.
There's a deeper truth to this story. Operation Dawn, to varying degrees, damaged the interests of Baghdad's key external partners.
For example, the arrest of key figures from the Azm alliance has weakened the lobbying power of Saudi Arabia and the UAE, whose representatives have been actively entering Iraqi territory in recent years under the pretext of solidarity between Muslim communities.
The persecution of the entourage of former Minister al-Sudani, a "showcase" figure for Iraqi Shiites, is souring Baghdad's relations with Iran, which has recently believed that local authorities are playing a double game and providing an operational foothold for opponents of the Islamic Republic.
Even the United States is showing a certain degree of disappointment, despite the fact that it would seem to have benefited most from the purges (at least two figures in the anti-corruption campaign had previously been sanctioned by Washington for oil fraud). However, for the United States, such a sharp shakeup of the domestic political landscape in Iraq threatens to undermine control over the situation and the previously established elite balance, especially given that the White House currently has no time to constantly monitor local developments.
Therefore, Baghdad's partners will apparently try to temper the prime minister's ardor and tone down his public campaign against embezzlers. At least for a while.
Related:
Operation Dawn: 2026-07-02 Operation Dawn, Day 5: Iraq jails former tax chief, wife for money laundering as corruption drive continues
Operation Dawn: 2026-07-01 Iraq anti-corruption probe Day 4: Iraq’s Deputy Minister of Oil for Distribution Affairs arrested
Operation Dawn: 2026-06-30 Day 3: Iraq anti-corruption purge continues, 20 more arrested, $75 million seized plus the usual stuff, gov’t gives groups until Sept.30 to dissolve
Operation Dawn: 2026-07-02 Operation Dawn, Day 5: Iraq jails former tax chief, wife for money laundering as corruption drive continues
Operation Dawn: 2026-07-01 Iraq anti-corruption probe Day 4: Iraq’s Deputy Minister of Oil for Distribution Affairs arrested
Operation Dawn: 2026-06-30 Day 3: Iraq anti-corruption purge continues, 20 more arrested, $75 million seized plus the usual stuff, gov’t gives groups until Sept.30 to dissolve