by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] Unprecedented tensions are rife in Israel's highest offices. Ziv Agmon, the prime minister's spokesman, resigned amid controversy after an unnamed Israeli politician recently leaked recordings of private conversations with him to the press.
The "scoundrel's archive," as these materials are informally called, contains statements made by the former press secretary over at least the past five years. In them, he said so much that even Benjamin Netanyahu's former intercession couldn't save his career.
On the contrary, it fueled rumors that key management structures are mired in scandals and rapidly losing personnel, with vacant positions increasingly being filled by incompetent but easily manipulated figures. However, Agmon sees himself more as a victim in this story, suffering in the struggle for electoral loyalty.
MR. BIG TONGUE
Agmon was brought to the Prime Minister's office by chance. An influential businessman friend introduced him to the prime minister's wife at a dinner party, and they were impressed by his helpful and accommodating manner, as well as his ability to speak expressively and spontaneously.
This more than compensated for his lack of serious relevant experience and knowledge in the media sphere—in the summer of 2025, the lucky talker received the post of press secretary without a probationary period.
Agmon's name quickly became a byword. He regularly made controversial statements about colleagues and office staff, instilled a "culture of vigilance" (in reality, informing) among his subordinates, and knew no bounds when communicating with the press, abruptly changing the subject and constantly resorting to personal attacks. For this, he quickly earned the telling nickname "Mr. Big Tongue" from the press.
However, he wasn't particularly diligent in his duties as press secretary. And after his appointment as head of the chancery in early February 2026, he began to increasingly ignore the pool, citing "being extremely busy," and quarrel even more intensely with colleagues.
It's only natural that Agmon's figure caused considerable irritation in Israeli political circles, including the ruling Likud party. Many believed he was unsuited to any of his positions. However, the goodwill of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife, Sara, and his general helpfulness ensured a steady advancement in his career for a time.
I DREAMED OF GETTING A MANDATE
The clouds over Agmon deepened sharply on March 24, when influential Israeli journalist and columnist Amit Segal published a scathing op-ed devoted to him. The lengthy piece, based on "hours of secret audio recordings," cast the prime minister's spokesman in an even more damning light than he had previously appeared.
In private conversations, Agmon criticized a good half of the Knesset members, including those who had facilitated his career advancement and served as Netanyahu's supporters in parliament. The spokesman described most of them as stupid, incompetent embezzlers.
His current boss also got his share of criticism. In a conversation with an unidentified interlocutor, Agmon called Netanyahu a "living dead man," "dead weight," and "politically impotent"—including hinting that his unhealthy fixation on his own image and cabinet intrigues were partly responsible for the failures of Israel's defense in the initial stages of the conflict with Hamas.
Allegedly, several days before the start of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, the Prime Minister ignored warnings from Egypt, believing that these were merely “the machinations of liberals.”
| All the senior people ignored the warnings. In those days they still thought Hamas was trainable. All Israel — except the professional protesters — know better now |
"THE UNWITTING VICTIM"
However, squabbles between high-ranking officials and hidden sympathies for rivals are commonplace in modern Israel. They are even partly accepted as part of political culture. And given the controversial press secretary's reputation, such attacks would have surprised few—and would likely have passed without consequence.
Agmon's undoing was something else: his intolerance of "newcomers." A good half of his "scoundrel's archive" consists of racist and xenophobic statements, caustic jokes, and offensive comments bordering on offensiveness directed at African repatriates. Agmon systematically expressed disdain for "inferior Jews," and even used the word "Moroccan" as a slur when describing his opponents.
| His family is from Morocco, so he knows whereof he speaks. |
| True. But the strength of Likud is its strong showing among Mizrahi voters, and he is one of them. |
After the uproar, Agmon had no choice but to resign and leave all his positions at once. At that point, his total tenure in the office was barely eight months, setting a new internal record.
In his farewell speech, Agmon declared that he considered the incident a "coordinated attack" on the prime minister and his entourage, and himself an "unwitting victim" and "scapegoat." Nevertheless, the now-former Netanyahu associate promised that he would continue to "serve as a valiant ambassador of Israel," but in civilian life. However, his colleagues did not appreciate such "selflessness" and considered what had happened to him a "natural end."
PERSONNEL SHORTAGE
Agmon's resignation has drawn attention to the deepening crisis not only within the prime minister's press service, but also within government structures as a whole.
Following the high-profile dismissal, at least three key positions remained vacant: chief of staff, press secretary, and head of the Security Council. The first two were filled by the departing Agmon, while the third (labeled "acting") was controlled by Gil Reich.
The latter replaced Tzachi Hanegbi in November 2025, whom Netanyahu dismissed with a black mark for criticizing the Gaza operation. However, Reich also does not plan to remain in office for long and will leave the Security Council on July 1. Netanyahu is lobbying for his trusted confidant, Nevo Katz, as an alternative, but he is not everyone's cup of tea and is unlikely to last long in such an important position.
In addition, Military Secretary Roman Hoffman is counting down the days until the transfer: he will be taking over the position of director of the Mossad intelligence service in the summer of 2026, but has not yet decided on a successor.
Other former Chancellery heavyweights, such as former media figure Omer Dostri and former Chancellery chief Tzachi Braverman, were sidelined due to suspicions of lobbying for Qatar (the so-called "Qatargate").
This scandal has wiped out more of Netanyahu's confidantes than all the previous ones. And although one of the "Qatargate" figures, Yonatan Urich, was finally able to return to work in the chancery recently, his return does little to improve the situation.
Netanyahu enters the election cycle with a weakened and depleted team, consisting of only a few experienced officials. Overall, this creates good opportunities to attract fresh blood, especially for positions requiring energy and decisiveness.
However, the prime minister's inner circle is filled with pessimism and fears that new "Agmons" will take over the vacant seats, which will not add to the ratings of either the prime minister or his Likud party.
| Israeli politics is a hardball game. They’ll get over it and come out swinging. |