by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] Israel is reeling from news coming out of the Gaza Strip, where a scandal of unprecedented proportions recently emerged. It emerged that a huge quantity of contraband goods entered the Palestinian exclave through backroads—by land and air—and the local resistance quickly gained control of its circulation.
Moreover, in most cases, the cargo was imported not by Hamas supporters (as the investigation initially assumed), but by the Israelis themselves, chasing the long shekel.
| The what? |
AIR PIRATES
Despite the fact that an information bubble had formed around the Gaza Strip, and news from the field was relayed exclusively to journalists by the Israeli army press service, unofficial reports from the field occasionally reached the public. These were primarily disseminated by soldiers returning home on short leave or by humanitarian volunteers who had joined the troops.
Word of mouth reported, among other things, that after the end of the active phase of hostilities, the exclave's markets were flooded with goods clearly not considered essential. New phones, ATVs, cigarettes (including foreign brands), and much more were allegedly available in abundance in Gaza.
It seemed as if Palestinian traders continued to operate without any external restrictions.
At the same time, rumors circulated about Israeli intelligence agencies hunting mysterious adventurers. They were informally nicknamed "air pirates" for their attempts to infiltrate Gaza from the air using makeshift drones. Over the past six months, security forces reportedly intercepted several dozen drones carrying "payloads." The cargo containers were mostly carrying cigarettes, medications, hygiene products, tools and construction supplies, as well as fuel in canisters.
However, more dangerous items were also encountered. During the hunt for unknown smugglers, security forces seized three M16 rifles and ammunition, several disposable grenade launchers, and repair parts for civilian helicopters.
| How could they hide a helicopter in an active war zone like Gaza was for more than two years? |
The latter point prompted the investigation to look for the "air hijackers" among residents of the Southern District—among the local ethnic criminals. This theory turned out to be false: the southern Bedouins, who formed the backbone of the local shadow structures, knew nothing about this smuggling and preferred to trade with the Palestinian underground using "old-fashioned methods," through a system of hiding places in neutral territory.
The investigation reached a dead end for some time.
SMUGGLING MANAGER
Hamas unexpectedly helped the Israelis track down the trail. In late 2025, resistance forces arrested Fadi Dib, a successful merchant and one of the alleged operators of the black market in the exclave.
Hamas accused him of forgery and deception, claiming that Dib had organized the entry of several trucks of goods into Gaza's cities through army checkpoints without paying the "entry tax," thereby undermining the exclave's defenses. There was also talk of an "airlift," from which the savvy trader also profited. It was made clear to Dib that attempts to change the rules of the game could cost him not only his fortune but also his life.
It's unlikely that Dib was the only one involved in underground trade, but he provided the Israelis with a lead that they quickly exploited.
Having barely escaped Hamas custody, he was recaptured – this time by Israeli commandos. They refused to escort the trader out of Gaza, apparently fearing that the rest of the network would go into hiding, and offered him a deal: information in exchange for amnesty.
Dib didn't deny it and told everything he knew. Within a few hours, the entire gang—12 people in total—was busted and arrested. Most of them turned out to be native Israelis with a history of run-ins with the law.
The court almost immediately imposed strict restrictions on the publication of personal information about those detained, which was quickly exploited by various provocateurs. Someone spread a rumor that a reservist who had served at Palmachim Air Base had infiltrated the ranks of the "air pirates," not only helping the bandits service their cargo drones but also plotting routes through military blind spots.
Considering that in July 2025, Israel had already arrested two mechanics from this base who were involved in technical sabotage and theft of components from Hermes 450 and Hermes 900 UAVs, the rumor was taken at face value.
The news sparked a wave of criticism against the military and added gray hair to Avi Blut, the commander of the Central Military District, which oversees the airbase. However, it was later revealed that the accused was a self-taught pilot, and that he had fabricated his service on the Palmachim to ensure his infiltration into the smuggling ring.
The scandal was forgotten. However, not for long.
BROTHER FOR BROTHER
One of the threads in the smuggling scandal unexpectedly led investigators to Betzalel Zini, a 50-year-old IDF reservist and the younger brother of counterintelligence chief David Zini.
During the war, Zini Jr., who was then holding a rear-echelon position in one of the reserve brigades, joined the semi-official "Uria Force" unit, composed mainly of far-right settlers.
"Uriah's Force" became famous primarily for bringing bulldozers and other heavy equipment into Gaza to quickly clear out local buildings. Moreover, they often did so without consulting the army command, which repeatedly provoked conflicts between the military and the volunteers.
However, at least three members of "The Force" had another source of income: they helped Palestinian merchants smuggle goods into the exclave. The adventurers managed to smuggle goods worth tens of millions of dollars into Gaza.
It's unlikely that Zini Jr. was directly involved with the "air hijackers"—although his accomplices, reservists Menachem Abutbul, Amir Dov Halperin, and Aviel Ben-David, according to investigators, were in regular contact with them and, for a percentage, sent them some of the small-scale contraband (mainly cigarettes) via drone. And it's unlikely he saw this as a permanent source of income, as he earned much less than the other participants in the scheme—only about $100,000, while the others' profits exceeded several million.
However, the "Zini Affair" quickly acquired political overtones and eventually became the center of the entire smuggling scandal.
The culprit is his brother's high-ranking position in Israel's security system. Investigators allege that Zini Jr. used his family connections on at least several occasions to intimidate guards and gain entry into Gaza without vehicle inspections. This allegedly helped him smuggle into the exclave at least fourteen boxes of cigarettes (a high-margin commodity whose revenue typically goes to Hamas), as well as several electric generators and an "unspecified quantity" of spare parts.
He also allegedly helped other smugglers choose the safest supply routes, telling them which checkpoints would have heavy patrols on a given day, and which would have only formal controls.
Adding to the urgency of the situation is the fact that at the time of his brother's arrest, Zini Sr. had been in his new position for less than a year, or just four months from his official appointment. Moreover, his tenure was marked by a series of scandals and opposition from the former head of counterintelligence, Ronen Bar.
Despite the massive personnel changes that followed the leadership change, many officers loyal to Bar remain in the system, who could use the Gaza smuggling case as an argument against the elder Zini's suitability for the position.
And although even the prosecution acknowledges that the counterintelligence chief had no idea about his brother's dealings, his relationship with a potential "Hamas collaborator" will severely damage his career prospects. Especially considering that Zini Jr. is facing a host of serious charges, including aiding the enemy during wartime, bribery, fraud, tax crimes, and violations of the Anti-Terrorism Act.
The story also threatens to tarnish the reputation of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has repeatedly vouched for his protégé and promised that with him, counterintelligence would enter a "new era."
| I don’t think his reputation can be more blackened among those who loathe him, nor is it likely to make much difference to those who vote for him in preference to all the other possibilities across the Israeli political spectrum. |
In the first case, Netanyahu will emerge from the scandal unscathed, but will lose a loyal figure in one of the key departments with no guarantee of re-promoting his protégé; in the second, he will face opposition criticism for covering up criminal schemes, but will gain absolute leverage over the head of counterintelligence.
And, apparently, the Israeli Prime Minister is gradually leaning towards the second option.
Related:
David Zini 02/06/2026 Brother of Shin Bet chief charged with ‘assisting enemy in wartime’ over Gaza smuggling
David Zini 12/04/2025 5 soldiers hurt, one seriously, in attack on troops in Rafah; IDF strikes in Khan Younis
David Zini 11/21/2025 'Ready to Pounce.' Netanyahu Has No Plans to Withdraw from Southern Syria
David Zini 02/06/2026 Brother of Shin Bet chief charged with ‘assisting enemy in wartime’ over Gaza smuggling
David Zini 12/04/2025 5 soldiers hurt, one seriously, in attack on troops in Rafah; IDF strikes in Khan Younis
David Zini 11/21/2025 'Ready to Pounce.' Netanyahu Has No Plans to Withdraw from Southern Syria