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Africa Subsaharan
Madagascar's president fled to Macron under pressure from Generation Z
2025-10-16
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Alexander Melnik

[REGNUM] Another flashpoint has emerged in Africa. This time, it's Madagascar: the island nation, not known for its political stability, has experienced another coup.

The "Generation Z" student protests that began in late September led to the flight of the country's president, Andry Rajoelina, and the seizure of power by the military.

REASONS FOR THE COUP
The coup d'état in Madagascar was a natural result of accumulated internal contradictions and socio-economic difficulties.

The immediate trigger was, first and foremost, problems with electricity and water supplies, which were particularly acute in the capital, Antananarivo, where residents were left without water and electricity for more than 12 hours a day.

What was particularly painful for the capital's residents was that for six years they had been paying regularly for utilities that were not actually provided.

At the same time, the overall economic situation continued to deteriorate. This is evidenced by the 78% of the population living below the poverty line, as well as limited access to higher education.

The drought-stricken south of the country and tropical cyclones ravaging the east have created a dire humanitarian situation. High levels of corruption and nepotism at all levels of government have long been notorious.

Adding to the growing unrest were accusations against the head of state of an anti-national, pro-French stance: Rajoelina also holds French citizenship.

All of this forced the youth of Generation Z to take to the streets with demands for access to public services, which quickly escalated into calls for a change in government.

CHRONICLE OF THE FALL OF THE REGIME
Demonstrations of the "Gen Z Madagascar" movement began on September 25, first in the capital and then spreading to other cities. The protests quickly degenerated into riots and were accompanied by unbridled looting.

Protesters set fire to the homes of prominent politicians close to Rajoelina, including Senator Lalatiana Rakotondrazafy and MP Naivo Raoldina. Bank branches, stores, and other commercial establishments were also robbed.

In the four days since the unrest began, more than 20 people have died and more than a hundred have been injured in clashes with security forces, according to the UN.

To quell public discontent, Madagascar's president dismissed the energy minister on September 26, but this had no effect. On September 29, Andry Rajoelina decided to dissolve Prime Minister Christian Ntsaya's government. This measure also failed to produce the desired effect: the protests were so intense that it was no longer possible to quell them with ritual resignations.

General Rufina Zafisambo was appointed the new prime minister on October 6, hoping to regain control of the situation. However, the prime minister himself soon condemned the actions of law enforcement agencies and called for negotiations with the protesters.

On October 11, one of the largest demonstrations took place in Antananarivo. Soldiers from the elite CAPSAT unit refused to open fire on the protesters and supported them.

On the morning of October 12, the unit's command announced it had established control over all of the country's armed forces. General Demosthenes Pikulas was appointed the new Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces.

The frightened president, fearing a violent overthrow, "evacuated" the country on a French military plane on October 13, in agreement with French President Emmanuel Macron. In other words, he fled. Meanwhile, the French authorities are publicly calling the protests "Madagascar's internal crisis" and claiming they are not interfering in any way.

According to French media, former Prime Minister Christian Ntsai and businessman Mamy Ravatomanga, a close ally of Rajoelina, also left the country and flew to Mauritius on a private jet on October 11.

That same day, the fugitive president released a video message, claiming he had been evacuated to a "safe place" after "a group of military and politicians" attempted to kill him.

On October 14, he announced the dissolution of the National Assembly, to which 130 of the 163 parliamentarians approved the launch of impeachment proceedings. Rebel leader Mikael Randrianirina announced the seizure of power and the dissolution of the Senate, the Supreme Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, the Electoral Commission, and the High Council for the Defense of Democracy and the Rule of Law. The lower house was allowed to continue its work. The constitution was suspended.

WHO RULES THE ISLAND NOW?
Madagascar is currently governed by a military council, which includes the heads of the army, police, and gendarmerie. The council has promised to form a civilian government and hold elections within two years. Rebel leader Colonel Randrianira has been appointed chairman of the council.

He commanded an infantry battalion in the city of Toliara, and from 2016 to 2018, he led his native southern region of Andruj under President Heri Rajaonarimampianina. During his time there, the colonel earned a reputation as a practical administrator close to the people.

However, a conflict with the central government cost him his career. In November 2023, he was arrested and charged with "threatening state security" after criticizing the military leadership. The court sentenced him to one year of suspended imprisonment. Although the charges were dropped in February 2024 and he was reinstated as an officer, he was removed from all command positions.

The second character with more "weight" is Lieutenant General Demosthenes Piculas, originally from the Maintirano region in western Madagascar.

Pikulas, 54, was long considered the "invisible technocrat of the army." He led the humanitarian response command center during the catastrophic famine in the south of the country, and then, from 2021 to 2023, headed the military academy in Antsirabe, which trains all future officers of the Madagascar Armed Forces.

Pikulas was a strict disciplinarian. His former subordinates recall that he forbade discussing politics within the military establishments, demanding "think like an officer, not like a candidate for parliament." According to him, the army should be a guarantor of peace, not its destroyer.

Today, the general is carefully crafting the image of a "stabilizer" of the regime, a man who must prevent a split within the army and keep the country from descending into chaos.

The third most senior figure on the military council is Colonel Nonus Mbina Mamelison, the new commander of the National Gendarmerie. He is around 50 years old and spent most of his career in the Gendarmerie's judicial police, investigating corruption and abuses of power.

His appointment was a signal to civilian structures that the military was ready to cooperate with the police and legal authorities of the state.

Mamelison is a reserved and straightforward officer, nicknamed "a bulldog in uniform" by his subordinates. He maintains a low public profile and rarely appears in the national news.

WHO IS BEHIND GENERATION Z?
A number of foreign experts believe that financial structures from the United States may be involved in the internal political crisis in Madagascar.

This island nation is home to rich deposits of rare earth metals. Influential American interests and financial institutions supporting President Donald Trump see Malagasy instability as an opportunity to strengthen their positions.

Looking at the course of the coup in the context of the country's history, it can be seen that in 2009, it was the elite CAPSAT unit that played a key role in bringing the current president to power by staging a coup d'état.

Rajoelina was then the mayor of Antananarivo and President Marc Ravalomanana's main opponent. And then, 16 years later, military personnel from the same structure removed Rajoelina from power.

However, the actions of young people inspired by the example of their peers in Nepal, Bangladesh, and Peru cannot be underestimated: the effective rebellion of “Generation Z� is driven by the need for systemic change.

Meanwhile, his ability to quickly coordinate and mobilize could very well be used by outside forces to stage another revolution somewhere.
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