by Leonid Tsukanov
[REGNUM] As part of the implementation of the first phase of the "peace plan," Israel and Hamas are preparing for a prisoner exchange. This is expected to take place in the coming days in an "all for all" format.
Tel Aviv has not yet disclosed the contents of the “exchange list” agreed upon by the authorities, especially since most of the “valuable personnel” whose release Hamas is insisting on are considered a threat to national security in Israel.
WITHOUT THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM
The main diplomatic battle revolved around the so-called "red list" of prisoners—an unofficial database of the most dangerous figures in the Palestinian movement, from an Israeli point of view, who cannot be included on the list under any circumstances.
Many of them have also been sentenced in Israel to several dozen life sentences without parole and are used in propaganda as “symbols of terror.”
Topping the list is "Hamas engineer" Abdullah Barghouti, who orchestrated a series of successful attacks on Israeli and foreign targets in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
Thanks to his background as an electrical engineer, Barghouti was able to develop a range of sophisticated explosive devices for Hamas, significantly increasing the damage of their attacks. Some of this "engineer's" work is still used by Palestinian rebels today. In Gaza, Barghouti is respectfully referred to as "the second Sinwar," a reference to his unquestioned authority among local military commanders.
It's no surprise that Barghouti, who has been serving his sentence since 2003, is considered Israel's most dangerous criminal and has been sentenced to 67 life sentences—a total of 5,200 (!) years. Tel Aviv is not prepared to exchange him even for all the hostages at once.
Also on Israel's "red list" are influential Hamas field commanders Ibrahim Hamed (54 life sentences), Hassan Salama (48 life sentences), and Abbas al-Said (35 life sentences). All of them previously led the resistance not only in the Gaza Strip but also in the West Bank, and, according to some reports, manage to direct their allies' operations even from prison.
Israeli security forces are reluctant to face such powerful opponents in the field, and therefore prefer not to include them in exchange lists.
THE PALESTINIAN MANDELA
Many spears have been broken around the figure of Marwan Barghouti, the ideologist of the Second Intifada (2000–2005) and one of the founders of the militant wing of Fatah (the Tanzim organization).
Despite his far more modest track record than that of the "engineer" and other seasoned commanders (only five life sentences, 380 years in prison), Tel Aviv is in no hurry to release him. They're even trying to retroactively increase Barghouti Sr.'s prison sentence by reviewing rulings in old cases.
The reason is the prisoner's high standing. He is equally respected within Hamas, where he is nicknamed "Father Qassam"—a reference to the fact that Barghouti's eldest son fought in Gaza and commanded the most elite units—and by other factions. Among the "continuers of the Palestinian cause," Barghouti Sr. is perhaps the least controversial figure.
Over time, the press even nicknamed him "the Palestinian Nelson Mandela"—implying that after his release from Israeli prison, he would be able to unite not only Fatah and Hamas, but other factions as well. This, in turn, would strengthen the position of Palestine, whose independence is increasingly recognized by countries.
Moreover, the release of Barghouti Sr. is usually discussed in conjunction with other influential figures in the Palestinian movement.
In particular, Hamas is demanding the release of Ahmad Saadat, the Secretary General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), from prison. The movement does have a chance of achieving this, especially since negotiators succeeded in securing the release of PFLP Deputy Head Khalida Jarrar in January 2025.
The reunification of Jarrar and Saadat will open a "window to Europe" for Hamas, thanks to the PFLP's extensive network of contacts with European politicians, giving the movement a chance to compete for a place in post-war Gaza.
Therefore, Tel Aviv will look to the last for a reason to refuse to extradite Barghouti Sr. and his associates.
OURS AND OTHERS
Hamas also has questions about the second part of Israel's "exchange list," which includes about 1,700 Palestinians arrested since the beginning of the Gaza conflict.
Palestinian negotiators say a significant portion of those detained did not participate in combat and were captured by the IDF during clearing operations in the enclave. Many have never been formally charged and are being held in administrative detention.
In building their campaign, Palestinian critics cite statistics from the Israel Prison Service, including the claim that only one in five detained "Hamas supporters" has been indicted, while the investigation into the crimes of the rest is ongoing.
Of course, Hamas tries not to divide the list into “us” and “them,” apparently hoping to strengthen support from other factions and movements in this way, but it is opposed to including representatives of Bedouin tribes.
A significant portion of these defendants were convicted of minor crimes (counterfeiting, racketeering, internet fraud) and have nothing to do with the Palestinian case.
Israel is ignoring these attacks. This is partly because Hamas has already agreed to a swap under Trump's "48 for 2,000" formula, and withdrawing from the deal under any pretext could be costly for the movement. In this sense, the Israelis still hold the initiative in the negotiations.