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Britain
Lords vote to allow UK parliament to block Brexit 'no deal'
2018-05-01
[AlAhram] Members of Britannia's unelected House of Lords voted Monday to allow parliament to block the government from leaving the EU without a deal, although the motion must be approved by MPs before taking effect.

Lords voted 335 to 244 for an amendment to give politicians the final say on the outcome of Brexit negotiations with Brussels -- including staying in the bloc if they do not like the final agreement.

Prime Minister Theresa May's Conservative government had previously indicated it would fight the motion when it returns to the House of Commons for debate in the coming weeks.

"What this amendment would do is weaken the UK's hand in our Brexit negotiations by giving parliament unprecedented powers to instruct the government to do anything with regard to the negotiations, including trying to keep the UK in the EU indefinitely," her front man said.

The government has promised MPs and peers they will be able to vote on the Brexit deal, which it hopes to strike in October, ahead of Britannia's planned departure from the EU in March 2019.

But if parliament rejects it, the only current alternative is to crash out with no deal, a prospect many warn could cause legal chaos and significant damage to Britannia's economy.

Conservative peer Viscount Hailsham, one of a number of cross-bench supporters of the amendment to the EU (Withdrawal) bill, insisted politicians must decide what happened.

"If the decision is to reject those terms (of the Brexit deal), parliament should have the right to suggest further negotiations," he told a packed chamber.

"Or to determine that we leave the EU without terms, that is to crash out, or to determine that we stay in the EU on the existing terms."

He added: "In the event that no terms have been agreed (by the government), the same choices should be available to parliament."

But ministers argue the move is an attempt to "thwart Brexit", saying the British people made their choice to leave the EU in the 2016 referendum.

Former Conservative leader Lord Michael Howard told peers the amendment could lead to "not one but several constitutional crises".

"I'm afraid it illustrates the lengths, the appalling lengths, to which the diehard Remainers are prepared to go to achieve their aim," he said.

Britannia triggered the two-year Article 50 process of leaving the EU in March last year, meaning that it will automatically withdraw from the bloc on March 29, 2019, unless all 28 members agreed to extend or revoke the process.
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Britain
Financial crisis: Somehow we have to break the chain
2008-10-20
Loathed by most of the punditocracy (the folks at Samizdata twitch at the sound of his name), Iain Duncan Smith is, perhaps, the last decent, honorable man left in British politics.
The blame game is already under way. Five masters of the universe have already fallen on their swords as part of the price of the taxpayers' unprecedented bail-out of our stricken banks. But the enforced departures of those who ran HBOS and RBS are only the start of the story.

As an angry, bewildered public search out the culprits, no one would be too surprised if Threadneedle Street comes to resemble some latter-day Appian Way, lined with crucifixions of the bankers, brokers and traders who brought our economy to its knees.

But perhaps we all bear some share of the blame. The banks and finance houses bombarded us with credit cards, personal loans, mortgages and remortgages up to ludicrous multiples of annual income, and elastic overdrafts. No one made us take the money. Many of us were happy to rack up debts comforted by the thought that ever-rising house prices would float us off the rocks of personal bankruptcy.

One million home owners resorted to the insane expedient of withdrawing cash on their credit cards to pay their mortgages. You cannot legislate against greed. But ignorance also lies behind our national financial disaster.

Almost four million people take time off work because of money worries, while 11 million admit to relationship problems for the same reason. Much of the extraordinary levels of personal debt is unsecured and a result of doorstep-lending to poor people on housing estates. Debt is one of the biggest causes of family breakdown and, with recession upon us, more children will undergo the trauma of seeing their parents part, thereby damaging their chances.

Levels of financial literacy are declining among adults, according to research from Abbey Banking. More adults are failing a simple GCSE-level exam in personal finance. The Financial Services Authority found that one student in three is constantly overdrawn.

The lesson is clear: in a world dominated by complex financial instruments, young people need to know the difference between a secured and an unsecured loan, an overdraft and a personal loan, a junk bond and junk, as much as they need to know about getting and holding down a job.

Personal finance should be part of the school curriculum. The Government agrees­ but does not want to make it compulsory. Today, Care for the Family, which already helps families look after their children, will launch Quidz In to promote financial literacy among the young.

Our children are growing up in a different world from the sweets, singles and cheap fashions of the 1960s and 1970s. They spend more time watching television and playing with computers and are more vulnerable to the pressures to spend money they do not have.

A simple phrase for this is pester power: companies want children to recognise logos and brands by the ages of two or three, so making it harder for their parents to keep saying "No". It may be a long way from designer brands in the nursery to obscene bonuses in the City boardroom. But somewhere along the line, we have to break the chain.

Iain Duncan Smith is chairman of the Centre for Social Justice
And the former leader of the Conservative Party before being ousted by the soon-forgotten Michael Howard.
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Iraq
Hindsight Isn't 20-20 When It Comes To Iraq
2008-08-17
IT WASN'T so long ago that erstwhile supporters of the war in Iraq were invoking hindsight to justify their newfound opposition to it. "Obviously if we knew then what we know now," Senator Hillary Clinton said in December 2006, when asked whether she regretted her 2002 vote authorizing military action, "I certainly wouldn't have voted that way."

Many of Clinton's colleagues said the same thing. An ABC News survey of senators in January 2007 found that "an overwhelming number" of Democrats who had voted in favor of going to war - including Joe Biden of Delaware, Chris Dodd of Connecticut, John Breaux of Louisiana, and Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia - had had a change of heart.

Liberals and Democrats weren't the only ones going wobbly. "If I had known then what I know now about the weapons of mass destruction," Texas Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, a Republican, told the Houston Chronicle, "I would not vote to go into Iraq." The conservative columnist Jonah Goldberg pronounced the Iraq war "a mistake by the most obvious criteria: If we had known then what we know now, we would never have gone to war with Iraq." Others singing from the same hymnal have included Jonathan Rauch, National Journal's respected semi-libertarian essayist, and (somewhat earlier) Michael Howard, the former leader of the British Conservative Party.

The prevailing wisdom 18 months or so ago was that invading Iraq had been, in retrospect, a disastrous blunder. It had led to appalling sectarian fratricide and an ever-climbing body count. Iraqi democracy was deemed a naive pipe dream. Worst of all, it was said, the fighting in Iraq wasn't advancing the global struggle against Islamist terrorism; by rallying a new generation of jihadists, it was actually impeding it. Opponents of the war clamored loudly for pulling the plug - even if that meant, as The New York Times acknowledged in a bring-the-troops-home-now editorial last July, "that Iraq, and the region around it, could be even bloodier and more chaotic after Americans leave."

But what if we had known then what we know now?

We know now that the overhauled counterinsurgency strategy devised by General David Petraeus - the "surge" - would prove spectacularly successful, driving Al Qaeda in Iraq from its strongholds, and killing thousands of its fighters, supporters, and leaders.

We know now that US losses in Iraq would plummet to the lowest levels of the war, with just five Americans killed in combat in July 2008, compared with 66 fatalities in the same month a year ago - and with 137 in November 2004.

We know now that the sectarian bloodletting would be dramatically reduced, with numerous Sunni tribal leaders abandoning their former Al Qaeda allies, and Shi'ite radical Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army being thoroughly routed by the Iraqi military.

We know now that by the summer of 2008, the Iraqi government would meet all but three of the 18 benchmarks set by Congress to demonstrate security, economic progress, and political reconciliation.

And we know now that, far from being undermined by the campaign in Iraq, the wider war against Islamist violence would show significant progress, with terrorism outside Iraq's borders having "in fact gone way down over the past five years," as Newsweek's Fareed Zakaria noted in May - and with popular support for jihadist organizations plummeting across the Muslim world.

So what does hindsight counsel today? That Iraq is a pointless quagmire - or that it is a costly but winnable war, in which patience, tenacity, and smarts have a good chance of succeeding?

Hindsight isn't always 20-20, particularly in wartime, when early expectations of an easy rout can give way to an unexpectedly long and bloody grind - and when victory has so often been achieved only after persevering through strategic debacles, intelligence failures, and wrenching battlefield losses.

There are no guarantees in Iraq. As with every war, we will know for sure how it ends only after it ends. But an effort that so many critics sourly have called the worst foreign-policy blunder in American history - the drive to emancipate Iraq from a monstrous and dangerous dictatorship and transform it into a reasonably civilized, law-abiding democracy - looks increasingly like a mission nearly accomplished. Had we known six years ago what we know today, would we have done it? Differently, no doubt. But we would have done it.
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Britain
Tories demand limit on migrants from Europe
2006-08-20
The Conservatives are to call for strict quotas on the number of workers allowed into Britain from Bulgaria and Romania when the countries join the European Union in January. Damian Green, the Tory immigration spokesman, said the Government should learn the lesson from the "unprecedented numbers" who came to the United Kingdom - particularly from Poland - when the EU expanded in 2004.
I don't recall any Romanian splodydopes, Polish car bombers or Bulgarian spittle-spewers, do you?
The move lays down a direct challenge to ministers and represents a hardening of the Tory position on immigration under David Cameron. The party has avoided addressing the issue after being bruised by the reaction to its hardline policy under Michael Howard at the last election. But the Conservatives will use Bulgarian and Romanian membership to demand "controlled immigration". They want ministers to impose restrictions on workers from the two countries similar to the controls brought in by other EU countries two years ago, when Germany kept its total of newcomers to below 10,000.

Britain imposed no restrictions and saw up to 600,000 arrive from Eastern Europe. The Government estimated that only 13,000 would come in. Last month unemployment climbed to 1.68 million amid claims that migration from Poland had swollen the total.
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Britain
Police had Hamza 'murder evidence' 7 years ago
2006-02-09
AMERICA will use phone tap evidence gathered by Britain seven years ago to try to jail Abu Hamza al-Masri for life on terrorist offences.

Bugged conversations between the radical imam and the leader of a gang that kidnapped 16 Western tourists in Yemen are banned in the British courts. Yet the same wiretap material, amassed by British Intelligence, will be central to the case against Abu Hamza if he is extradited to America, The Times has been told.

Scotland Yard and the Crown Prosecution Service faced mounting criticism yesterday for delaying action against Abu Hamza, who was jailed for seven years on Tuesday for soliciting murder and inciting racial hatred.

Last night David Blunkett, the former Home Secretary, suggested that the police, MI5 and the CPS could have acted earlier to seize the cleric. He claimed that they rejected his warnings because they feared it would trigger a race crisis.

Writing in The Sun, Mr Blunkett said: “So much for those in the security services who told me when I was Home Secretary that I was exaggerating the threat and the closure of the Finsbury Park mosque where he preached his evil message would be a ‘massive overreaction’.

“There was a deep reluctance to act on the information coming out of Abu Hamza’s own mouth. And some in the police and security services did not want to believe how serious it all was.”

Mr Blunkett is understood to have told the police, security chiefs and the CPS that they would have political backing if they raided the mosque and arrested Abu Hamza. The revelation that Britain had detailed evidence alleging Abu Hamza’s direct involvement in terrorist kidnapping and murder, but was prevented from using it, will reignite the debate on intercept evidence. The Times has also been told that Mr Blunkett argued strongly for such evidence to be used in serious cases but was again rebuffed by the security services.

Michael Howard, the former Conservative Home Secretary, also told The Times last night that he backed the use of intercept evidence.

A senior counterterrorist source told The Times that the phone taps strongly suggested that Abu Hamza was “involved in operational terrorist activity”.

But when Britain tried to move against the cleric in the spring of 1999 the case had to be abandoned because the evidence was deemed “inadmissible”. The FBI stepped in and said that if Britain could not use the material, it would.

The US indictment against Abu Hamza alleges that he bought and supplied a £2,000 satellite phone for the kidnappers and purchased £500 worth of air time for the device. It also states that Abu Hamza received telephone calls from the gang leader before and during the kidnap drama in which four hostages were shot dead. He is also charged with sending recruits to al-Qaeda camps in Afghanistan and trying to train terrorists in America.

British detectives are still investigating Abu Hamza’s alleged links with other terrorist incidents including the July 7 London bombings.

An uncle of one of the 7/7 suicide bombers blamed the cleric for brainwashing his nephew Shehzad Tanweer, 22, who visited Finsbury Park mosque.

Bashir Ahmed said: “No child could have thought of doing something like 7/7 by themselves.”

British intelligence has admitted eavesdropping on conversations between Tanweer and Mohammad Sidique Khan, the leader of the 7/7 bomb cell.

Charles Clarke, the Home Secretary, rejected any change to make intercept evidence admissible a year ago. But the Home Office said the issue was kept “under review”. Recordings of Abu Hamza’s conversations with the Yemeni kidnapper in December 1998 were made by experts from GCHQ, the intelligence listening post. They were made available to British security services and police in early 1999. At the same time a dossier on Abu Hamza was sent by the President of Yemen to Tony Blair.

Abu Hamza was arrested in March that year and questioned at Charing Cross police station about the kidnapping and killing of the hostages.

The former imam of Finsbury Park mosque admitted that he supplied the satellite phone and spoke to the hostage-taker, Abu Hassan. He told the BBC in 2002: “When they phoned they were actually phoning how to release them.”

The gang had demanded the release of ten Britons who had been arrested in Yemen on suspicion of planning terrorist attacks. The group, including Abu Hamza’s son and stepson, were sent to Yemen from Finsbury Park mosque.
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Britain
David Cameron is the New Conservative Leader
2005-12-06


And shares some interests with Pres Bush...


Cameron chosen as new Tory leader




Yes, his wife is pregnant...


David Cameron has been elected as the new Conservative leader by a margin of more than two to one over David Davis.
The 39-year-old beat Mr Davis by 134,446 votes to 64,398 in a postal ballot of Tory members across the UK.

The Old Etonian, an MP for only four years, said the Tories must change and be in tune with today's Britain with a "modern compassionate Conservatism".

His defeated rival, Mr Davis, said the leadership contest had been a preamble to a Conservative election victory.

He hailed Mr Cameron as the next Tory prime minister and said the race had made the party look thoughtful and mature.

The result ends a seven-month wait. Outgoing leader Michael Howard said he was quitting after May's election.

The election result was declared at the Royal Academy in London by Sir Michael Spicer, chairman of the 1922 committee of Tory backbenchers.

Party members were sent postal ballots a month ago ahead of a series of televised debates and private hustings.

Mr Davis, 56, began the contest as the bookmakers' favourite but a lacklustre speech at the Conservative annual conference in Blackpool dealt what turned out to be a fatal blow to his challenge.

Smelling opportunity

As he celebrated victory, Mr Cameron said his party now had to change how they looked, felt and behaved, including stopping "grumbling about today's Britain".

He said he was "fed up with the Punch and Judy politics of Westminster" and vowed to support government policies with which he agreed.

The new leader said there was "something in the air" which meant voters were prepared to look at the Conservatives again.

"People in this country are crying out for a Conservative Party that is decent, reasonable, sensible, common sense and in it for the long term of this country and that is the party we are going to build," he said.

Mr Cameron said there was still a "vast mountain to climb" but the Tories could return to government.

He set out core challenges for his leadership: creating a full-bodied economic policy which went beyond just tax; giving freedom to those on the frontline in public services; national and international security; and ensuring social justice by strengthening the voluntary sector.

Labour was not capable of meeting those challenges, he claimed.

"They are yesterday's men with yesterday's measures," added Mr Cameron.

BBC political editor Nick Robinson said Mr Cameron's victory showed Tories were "coming to terms with Tony Blair".

Front bench choices

Attention is now shifting to whom Mr Cameron chooses for his shadow cabinet.

He has already appointed his chief whip - West Derbyshire MP Patrick McLoughlin. He replaces David Maclean, who has decided to return to the back benches.

Supporters of Mr Davis are demanding a "major role" for their contender.

Weekend newspaper reports suggested Mr Cameron was preparing to demote Mr Davis from his current job as shadow home secretary if he won.

But Mr Cameron said Mr Davis would be "a vital part of the team in the future".


William Hague is also expected to be asked to take a shadow cabinet job.

Brown battle

The new leader will face Tony Blair at prime minister's questions on Wednesday.

But most commentators expect Mr Cameron to fight the next election against Gordon Brown. Mr Blair has already said he will step down before the election.

Mr Brown dismissed claims that a young opponent would make him look old.

"I think that's a bit unfair, as the father of a two-year-old I feel pretty young," he told BBC Radio 4's Today programme.

Mr Brown said it was policies which counted at the polls.

"I don't see much evidence other than a rebranding of existing policies at the moment," he argued.

Liberal Democrat president Simon Hughes congratulated Mr Cameron on his victory.

But he said the odds of a Tory election win were still pretty small, especially as the party had greeted four leaders in recent years with similar fanfares.



In his victory speech he said, "There is such a thing as society, it's just not the same thing as the state." and "If you trust people and give them more power and control over their own lives then they become stronger and society becomes stronger."



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Britain
Blair Suffers Major Defeat on Terror Bill
2005-11-10
In a political blow to Prime Minister Tony Blair, British lawmakers on Wednesday rejected tough anti-terrorism legislation that would have allowed suspects to be detained for 90 days without charge. The House of Commons vote was the first major defeat of Blair's premiership and raises serious questions about his grip on power. Blair had staked his authority on the measure and doggedly refused to compromise.

Lawmakers, including 49 members of Blair's Labour Party, opted instead for a maximum detention period for terror suspects of 28 days without charge. Michael Howard, leader of the opposition Conservative Party, said Blair's authority had "diminished almost to vanishing point" and said he should consider resigning. "This vote shows he is no longer able to carry his own party with him. He must now consider his position," said Howard.
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Britain
UK Conservative Party Leadership Battle
2005-11-09
Tony Blair is in trouble, and there is surprising turmoil in & about the British government. Plus, there is an existing contest for the Conservatives to replace Michael Howard.
A lot of things going on at once.

Here is a link to BBC info on the two COnservative rivals :


Tory contest: what happens next?
David Cameron and David Davis now face a six week campaign to win a postal ballot of the Conservative Party's 300,000 members to be the next leader.
There will be 11 hustings across the UK and whoever gains the most votes becomes party leader, with a final result expected on 6 December.

The two contenders will meet senior officials on Friday to finalise plans.

The two men are allowed to spend a maximum of £100,000 each on their campaigns to succeed Michael Howard.

Cameron Website

Davis Website



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Britain
Britain's Howard bows out as chief of Conservatives
2005-10-07
Michael Howard bowed out as leader of Britain's main opposition Conservatives yesterday, warning his would-be successors there was a hard road ahead if the party was to return to government. In what he vowed would be his final party conference speech, Howard told delegates in Blackpool, northwest England, to "go for it" in their attempt to turf Prime Minister Tony Blair's New Labour Party out of office.

Former home secretary (interior minister) Howard will hand in his resignation on Friday, firing the starting gun for the contest proper to replace him. But the five rivals for his job have already spent the conference slugging it out for support among colleagues, with the favourite, former army tough guy David Davis, seemingly losing ground. Howard was elected unopposed as the Conservatives' leader in 2003. He was thought to be the only person with the authority to unite them after bitter infighting, which eventually ousted the floundering Iain Duncan Smith from the job. Davis, veteran heavyweight Kenneth Clarke, young moderniser David Cameron, right-winger Liam Fox and party grandee Malcolm Rifkind pitched their leadership bids during the four-day seaside conference.
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Britain
Binny considered claiming asylum in the UK
2005-09-29
HE CLAIMS to hate everything the West stands for. But yesterday it emerged that Osama bin Laden sought asylum in Britain even as he was planning the September 11 attacks on the US.

The al-Qaeda leader wanted to abandon his base in Sudan at the end of 1995 and asked some of his followers in London to sound out whether he would be able to move to Britain.

Michael Howard, who was then Home Secretary, recalls how his aides told him of the asylum request from the Saudi-born militant of whom the world knew little of ten years ago. A number of his brothers and other relatives, all members of the wealthy bin Laden construction empire, owned properties in London by the mid-1990s.

The teenage bin Laden had reportedly toured Europe with his family and became an Arsenal fan, though there is no record of his ever having been to a match at Highbury.

The astonishing approach to the British authorities happened only months after bin Laden had secretly organised a terror summit in Manila in January 1995 to begin planning how hijackers would turn passenger planes into flying bombs. He called it the “Bojinka plot”, which is Arabic slang for an explosion.

By this time bin Laden had also transferred some of his considerable personal fortune to London for his followers to establish terror cells here and across Europe.

His name rarely appeared in the British media even though by late 1995 his network had already bombed a number of US army bases abroad and plotted assassination attempts against Pope John Paul II and President Clinton.

Mr Howard said yesterday: “In truth, I knew little about him, but we picked up information that bin Laden was very interested in coming to Britain. It was apparently a serious request. He already had people operating here, and who knows how history could have been rewritten if he had turned up here?”

Bin Laden never got a chance to make a formal application as Home Office officials investigated him and Mr Howard issued an immediate banning order under Britain’s immigration laws.

It was not until June 1998 — two months before attacks on US embassies in Africa — that bin Laden was placed on the FBI’s most wanted list.

Mr Howard said: “If he had come here to plot the attacks on the twin towers and the US had subsequently asked for his extradition, then by then, under the Labour Government’s laws, he could not have been sent because they refuse to extradite to a country which has the death penalty.”

Bin Laden had, according to Home Office officials, used a Saudi businessman, Khaled al-Fawwaz, to sound out his chances of coming to Britain.

Fawwaz, 41, had arrived in 1994 and was described by security chiefs as his “de facto ambassador” in Britain.

Intelligence experts say that at the time of the asylum request, bin Laden was not enjoying his exile in Sudan, where he had moved after fleeing Afghanistan. The Sudanese authorities were making noises about expelling him.

The CIA and MI6 first came across the former civil engineer in the 1980s, when after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan he fought alongside the Mujahidin and was on the same side as Western powers who were to become his avowed enemies. Bin Laden had returned to Saudi Arabia in 1989 supposedly to work in the family construction empire, but by 1991 he was under house arrest in Jedda because of his opposition to the Royal Family.

In 1991 he fled to Afghanistan and then to Khartoum, where a fundamentalist Islamic regime had come to power. He lived there for five years until Sudan expelled him and he slipped back to Afghanistan.
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Britain
Tories turning anti-war
2005-09-09
During the British general election in May, Iraq was ignored as much as possible by Tony Blair, who merely said that we must draw a line under the war and "move on," although moving on from a calamity is never easy. But now the issue has erupted onto the political stage here, and in unforeseen fashion.

After the Conservatives' third successive defeat, Michael Howard resigned as party leader. As the contest to succeed him warms up, the question of Iraq is eclipsing the divisions over Europe that have for too long poisoned the Tory party.

When Kenneth Clarke, the chancellor of the Exchequer in the last Conservative government, stood before for the leadership, he was unpopular with some Tories because of his attachment to European integration. But with that issue faded, he has now staked his renewed bid on his opposition to the Iraq war, which was "a disastrous decision," he says.

Both in America and England, the politics of the war were never clear-cut. Differences cut across party lines and defied the stale metaphor of left and right. In Washington, bizarrely as "the realists."

In London, Blair cajoled or bullied a majority of his MPs into supporting the war and relied on the support of the official Conservative opposition during the brief sojourn of Iain Duncan Smith as party leader before he was brutally ejected in a party coup. Duncan Smith vied with Blair in his enthusiasm for the war and his uncritical support for the Bush administration, as did his predecessor, William Hague. His successor, Howard, went further still.

Yet there are also Tories who opposed the war, including men eminent in the governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major. One is Douglas Hurd, a former foreign secretary. His warnings were echoed by other former cabinet ministers like John Gummer and Douglas Hogg.

Another ex-chancellor, Norman Lamont, has endorsed Clarke's bid, as well as his description of the war as "a diversion from the core task of the pursuit and destruction of Al Qaeda." Malcolm Rifkind, one more former foreign secretary, also a contender, repeats his view that the war was "extremely foolish and unnecessary."

All this has much enlivened the Tory contest, but it should not really be so surprising. Polls confirm that the Iraq war was markedly more unpopular among ordinary Conservatives than Labour voters. Some Tory MPs say privately that their constituency party members were 2-to-1 against the war even when it began.

There has always been a curious paradox in the position of Tory right wingers, violently hostile to the European Union but supporting the United States without question, even when it is perfectly obvious that American and British interests cannot always coincide. In most European countries, there are parties of the right on the Gaullist model, whose primary definition is the national interest of that country. Only here do we have a dominant section of the Tory party who believe that they should always support the national interest of another country.

Those Tory Europhobes rage against the threat to our sacred national sovereignty from bureaucrats in Brussels, and yet seem happy for England to become a client state of Washington, and for the British Army to serve as the American Foreign Legion. At times the Tories have looked like what, in a lethal phrase, Leon Blum years ago called the French Communists, "a foreign nationalist party."

Now the contradiction is sharper than ever. Toryism, or English Conservatism, has traditionally been pragmatic and unideological, and the conservative philosopher Michael Oakeshott used to say that it had nothing in common with any of the categories of Continental politics. Today one could add that English Conservatism has nothing in common with American neoconservatism. Oakeshott also said that Conservatism was not a doctrine but a disposition; neoconservatism is a doctrine and a half.

Polls show Clarke far ahead of his Tory rivals in public support. Iraq may not be not the main reason for that, but the fact that all along he called the war dishonest and said that it would lead to chaos in Iraq and an increased terrorist threat here has done him much good.

He and those other Tory sceptics are entirely different from the reflexively anti-American left. They would warmly embrace American allies: not the neo-cons, but men like Haass. "Democracy is difficult to spread and impossible to impose," he has said, and Clarke and Rifkind would surely echo those words.

For some time past the Tories have looked in deep trouble, maybe even terminal. It might just turn out that their salvation is as a truly sceptical or realistic party of the national interest.
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Britain
Bakri to get NHS heart op
2005-08-10
EXTREMIST preacher Omar Bakri Mohammed may undergo heart surgery in an NHS hospital if he returns to the UK. Bakri, who says he has a congenital brain heart problem, has already missed several appointments or had them postponed, friends said, but another one is likely to be scheduled before the end of the year. The so-called "Tottenham Ayatollah" is currently in Lebanon but says he plans to return to the UK in a month's time. That would allow him to have a free operation which would otherwise cost thousands of pounds privately. Bakri's health problem is understood to involve the narrowing of arteries in his heart and the likeliest operation is an angioplasty.
That's not a congenital problem, that's diet, genetics and bad living. Should have laid off the goat cheese.
More than 20,000 of the operations are carried out by doctors in the UK every year.
His condition is believed to be made worse by his weight.
Friends say that, because he is missing a bone in his ankle, he is unable to exercise and that has contributed to the narrowing of his coronary arteries.
From the photos, he's clearly unable to do the 'two-hand pushaway' exercise from the dinner table.
Earlier this year the father-of-seven, who uses a walking stick, took delivery of a £30,000 people carrier paid for under the Motability scheme. He is estimated to have received several hundred thousand pounds in benefits during his two decades in the UK. It is not clear where Bakri would have his treatment and hospitals refused to discuss confidential patient details. But Anjem Choudary, another leading figure in the al-Muhajiroun movement, said: "He had an appointment for a heart operation at some point. I'm not sure exactly when. "He had appointments before but he missed them - he doesn't like to take medicine, he likes to recover naturally. He has a congenital problem he has had the whole of his life. It's a problem with his arteries but I'm not a doctor so I don't know exactly."

Bakri, who had his mobile phone turned off today, sparked outrage last week by saying he would not inform police if he knew Muslim extremists were planning a bomb attack in Britain. He left for Beirut amid suggestions that he could be tried for treason but the Government has since made clear there is no prospect of that.
Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott admitted there was nothing to stop the firebrand cleric coming and going at the moment from the UK.
But a review of the Home Secretary's powers to exclude people who promote terrorism could be complete by the time Bakri heads home, allowing him to be barred. Tory leader Michael Howard argued that present powers were already sufficient to keep Bakri out and he called on the Government to use those powers "without delay". "The Home Secretary has the power to exclude from this country people whose presence here is not conducive to the public good," he said.
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