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Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev Chechnya Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia Chechen At Large Supremo 20060620 Link
    Succeeded Mashkadov as president.

Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Russian security official reports Caucasus al-Qaida chief killed in Chechnya
2006-11-28
More detail on yesterday's story.
A Jordanian who commanded foreign mercenaries in Chechnya and was reportedly al-Qaida's top emissary in the troubled North Caucasus died Sunday in a shootout with police, security officials said. Abu Khavs was killed in a four-hour gunbattle in the Dagestani town of Khasavyurt, near the Chechen border, along with four other militants, said Mikhail Merkulov, deputy director for the Dagestani branch of the Federal Security Service, or FSB.

Merkulov called Abu Khavs "a foreign mercenary of Jordanian origin" who was the main al-Qaida contact for the North Caucasus. State-run television showed a house apparently ravaged by gunfire, along with the bodies of at least five alleged militants. One FSB officer was wounded, said Irina Volkova, a spokeswoman for the service. In Moscow, the FSB's central headquarters said in a statement that Abu Khavs' presence in Dagestan signalled that he may have been trying to flee Russia and called his death a "telling psychological blow to all the fighters remaining in the North Caucasus mountains."

At least one rebel-linked website, daymonk.org, said five militants were killed in Khasavyurt, but made no mention of Abu Khavs. According to Russian security officials, Abu Khavs, whose name has also been spelled Havs or Hafs, was a commander of foreign mercenaries once active in Chechnya. As large-scale fighting has died down in Chechnya, the number of foreigners fighting there has dropped. In recent years, violence in the Russian region has mainly taken the form of hit-and-run attacks against federal forces and local allied paramilitaries.

Russian forces have killed or captured a number of Chechen rebel leaders in recent years, including the notorious warlord Shamil Basayev and Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev, who was the one-time president of the separatists' self-declared government.

Russian security officials say Abu Khavs took over as al-Qaida's top emissary in Chechnya in 2004 after the death of Saudi-born rebel chief Abu Walid. In an interview with a Turkish newspaper that was posted on the rebel-allied website Kavkaz Centre, Khavs maintained that separatist fighters were seeing new successes in their war against Russian forces, and he asserted that few fighters had responded to the amnesty offered by federal officials earlier this year. "The mere fact that the Russian authority has taken such an action testifies to the strength of the Chechen Resistance, and weakness and feebleness of the Russian army," he said according to the interview, dated Nov. 12.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Count Dooku surrenders? No, he didn't.
2006-08-18
The Chechen government said Friday that Doku Umarov, leader of Chechnya's separatist rebels, has surrendered. Umarov took over the leadership of the rebel movement in June following the killing by Russian forces of Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev. Umarov's importance to the rebel movement further increased in July after warlord Shamil Basayev, the most feared of the rebels, was killed.

Umarov turned himself in at the residence of Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov in Gudermes, Chechnya's second-largest city, said Chechen government spokesman Lyoma Gudayev. Further details, including the terms of the surrender were not immediately available. But Russia last month announced an amnesty for all fighters who turned themselves in.

Chechnya Retracts Claim on Surrender
“...it was Umarov's younger brother who turned himself in...”
The Chechen government retracted its claim Friday that separatist rebel leader Doku Umarov had surrendered, saying it was Umarov's younger brother who turned himself in. Government spokesman Lyoma Gudayev said the younger Umarov turned himself in at the residence of Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov in Gudermes, Chechnya's second-largest city. Gudayev had said earlier that Doku Umarov turned himself in at Kadyrov's residence.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
At least 5 Russians killed in Chechnya
2006-07-05
Gunmen attacked a Russian military convoy in the Chechnya region Tuesday, killing at least five troops and wounding as many as 25 others, officials said. Pro-rebel Web sites claimed more than 20 Russian soldiers were killed. The convoy was traveling near the town of Avtury, southeast of the Chechen capital of Grozny, when it came under fire from three or four areas, according to the Interior Ministry in the mostly Muslim republic in southern Russia. It said preliminary information indicated seven servicemen were killed and 25 wounded. Defense Ministry spokesman Vyacheslav Sedov, also citing preliminary information, said five servicemen were killed and 11 wounded.

The Web sites Daymohk.org and Kavkazcenter.com, citing unidentified sources, said that more than 20 "Russian occupiers" were killed and many others wounded, and that four military vehicles were destroyed or badly damaged in the attack, which they called revenge for the killing of Chechen rebel leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev by police last month.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Count Dooku next in Chechen barrel?
2006-06-20
Dan Darling will be happy and sad: happy cuz Dooku will be toe-tagged, and sad cuz he's had so much fun with this pic ...
Chechnya's rebels pledged yesterday to press ahead with their fight for freedom from Russian rule despite the death in battle of their leader. Statements on separatist Web sites confirmed that Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev - also known as Saidulayev - had been killed in the town of Argun, 30 km east of the regional capital Grozny. Pro-Moscow forces said they were combing the town for accomplices of Sadulayev, who was the fourth resistance leader to be killed in 11 years of separatist warfare in the southern Russian region.

"The death of even the most worthy will not weaken our jihad (holy war). On the contrary, our martyrs encourage the fighters with their heroic example," said a statement on a rebel Web site. "Today our enemies, not hiding their baseness, are celebrating. But it should be us, not them, who are celebrating, because our brother and leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev is in heaven, as is the will of Allah."

Sadulayev, a cleric from Argun, was little known outside Chechnya but had reorganised the resistance since taking over a year ago and tried to increase its links with Islamist fighters elsewhere in Russia's turbulent North Caucasus. Unceasing Russian pressure has fragmented the rebel movement, but rebel fighters stage daily attacks in Chechnya and neighbouring regions.

Sadulayev will be succeeded as head of the Chechen resistance by warlord Doku Umarov, who unlike Sadulayev has long been a hands-on guerrilla leader. Along with Shamil Basayev, who organised the war's worst attacks on civilians such as the Beslan school siege in 2004, Umarov commands troops in the field. They are key targets for Russian security services.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Zakayev appointed new Chechen foreign minister, sez he wants peace
2006-06-01
Chechnya's separatist leadership announced changes to its political structure this week (May 29), naming Akhmed Zakayev as the underground government's new foreign minister. Zakayev, who has been granted political asylum in Britain, previously served as culture minister before being dismissed earlier this year. In an exclusive telephone interview with RFE/RL, Zakayev discusses his new responsibilities as well as ongoing efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Chechen conflict.

RFE/RL: What responsibilities will you have as the new foreign minister?

Akhmed Zakayev: "My responsibilities and the work I am doing will remain the same. They are not changing and cannot be changed. The president (Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev) and the (eds: separatist) government have developed a solid strategy, according to which all work done abroad will be coordinated by one agency. The other ministries and especially the heads of the ministries will have to stay in the country (Chechnya). They will observe the situation in the front lines and will control it on the ground."

RFE/RL: Will you continue looking for peaceful solutions to the Chechen conflict?

Zakayev: "I am deeply convinced that the Chechen conflict, and a conflict in the Northern Caucasus overall, can be solved only through peaceful negotiations. We will continue to seek peace and I am sure there is no other way out. I think that the Russian authorities also clearly understand this, and that there are more and more people in Russia who seek a peaceful solution. I know that officials of the Russian government discuss this problem, not to mention nongovernmental organizations."

RFE/RL: Is your position toward reaching a peaceful settlement changing?

Zakayev: "At the very beginning of the war, (former Chechen President) Aslan Maskhadov suggested that the problems had to be solved through negotiations. Our attitude has not changed since then. The current president of Chechnya, Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev, supports this course. He has stressed several times that we are not against peace and accord. The only thing is that we will not ask for them (negotiations) again. If the opponents decide to use political methods to solve this problem, we will of course support that decision. We will also continue working with nongovernmental organizations and will do all we can in this regard."
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Basayev, Count Dooku admit to financial problems
2006-04-22
After a long winter, Chechnya's top two separatist military leaders came out this week rattling the sabers. Shamil Basayev threatened to spread the flames of war throughout the entire Caucasus. And in similarly bellicose remarks, separatist Vice President Dokku Umarov pledged to win Chechnya's "freedom" and never ask for peace with Russia. But the two men also admitted to problems within the movement.

Springtime usually brings talk of new offensives in Chechnya.

On April 19, the pro-independence Daymokh and Kavkaz Center websites released a video address made by Shamil Basayev, the deputy prime minister of the Chechen separatist government. The video was shot in early February and it was unclear what took Basayev so long to release it.

In the course of his seven-minute address, Basayev once again threatened the Kremlin with new attacks throughout the Caucasus when spring comes. He also admitted to the physical hardship endured by his men. "We were able to get ready for the winter. To be honest, this winter was a little bit more difficult [compared to previous ones]. Today is the 5th of February, yet there are still snowdrifts everywhere," Basayev said. "We had a harsh winter. However, thanks to God's clemency, our mujahedins got through it without [any] big problems. With God's help, we hope it will go on like this [until winter ends]."

Basayev went on to detail some logistical improvements in the lives of his fighters: "Previously we used to heat our shelters with firewood, but the smoke was helping Russian helicopters and reconnaissance groups track down our fighters. Now we use gas canisters to heat our shelters. It has now become easier for us to prepare food and warm ourselves, day and night. This has made our life easier."

In an interview given to RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service this week, Umarov spoke of more serious problems. Umarov, who is vice president of the separatist movement and its most senior military commander after Basayev, said that while morale remains high among his fighters, finances are tight: "The only things our mujahedins lack today are time and money. Everything else they have. We can conduct any large-scale combat operations at any time. Still, we need to ensure they will bring us political dividends [because] this kind of operation requires important financial and human resources."

Umarov said that lack of funds is preventing the separatist movement from recruiting new fighters across the North Caucasus region. It is in Kabardino-Balkaria, he said, that logistical problems are the most acute. "The situation with funds and weapons is bad there. People there have absolutely no combat experience. They are peaceful people who are rebelling against the [state] arbitrariness that is targeting Muslims in those [North Caucasus] republics," Umarov said. "They can at any time go over our heads and get killed.We are brothers in faith and this is why we are helping them and trying to restrain them."

Umarov was considered a possible heir to President Aslan Maskhadov, who was killed by Russian troops in March 2005. Yet, the Chechen separatist movement eventually chose the more radical Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev as its leader to succeed Maskhadov.

Umarov has reportedly had troubled relations with Basayev, although both leaders continue to coordinate their military operations together. Aleksei Makarkin, the deputy head of Moscow's Center for Political Technologies think tank, told RFE/RL he believes Umarov is indeed in dire financial straits and has launched what could be described as a fund-raising operation.

"Probably [Umarov] has grievances toward those people abroad who control the financial sources of the [independence movement]. There is, within this [movement], one group that advocates a radical form of Islam and that is directly linked to Arab circles," Umarov said. "On the other hand, there are [people like] Umarov who represent Sufi Islam, which is traditional in Chechnya. As far as we understand, Arab funds go preferably to those field commanders who [like Basayev] advocate a radical form of Islam. There are indeed difficulties here and it is unlikely that Umarov, with his ambitions, can satisfy himself with a largely symbolic role of vice-president whose prerogatives are unclear. Probably he wants real money for his fighters, which could explain his rather straight comments."

Russian media has speculated that the death of Maskhadov and his replacement by Sadulayev paved the way for an Arab takeover of the separatist military leadership. But Umarov dismissed those reports as Kremlin propaganda. "Let them show where those Arabs are and how many of them there are in Chechnya at the moment. I could hardly count five of them myself. Those Arabs fight wherever there is a jihad. They are fulfilling their Muslim duties. We can not be free and we can not be Muslims if we don't first win our freedom. Only if we win our freedom we can be Muslims. What we are building now is a free Muslim state."

Could those simmering tensions possibly herald a rift between Umarov and the rest of the Chechen separatist leadership?

Russia expert Makarkin thinks probably not -- at least in the immediate future. He says that, unlike other advocates of Sufi Islam who chose to break with the radical branch of the underground movement, Umarov has opted for a more pragmatic approach. According to Makarkin: "Umarov's anti-Russian feelings are even stronger than his concerns about the Arabs. He and Basayev are rivals, including on the financial level. But, as of today, they remain together."
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Chechens renewing major attacks next year
2006-04-16
Vladimir Kravchenko, Procurator of Chechnya, announced the news in early April of this year. According to him, Chechen militants are preparing to carry out a series of large-scale terrorist acts.

"The militants plan to advertise themselves," declared Kravchenko, - "and earn the monetary assistance which unfortunately they continue to receive. They have named the period 'Fiery Summer'." Almost immediately afterwards, the Federals announced that they won't permit a deterioration of the situation in Chechen Republic (which they hold under complete control).

Alu Alkhanov, Chechnya's head, likewise expressed faith that the militants won't be able to make the situation in the Republic worse this summer. "The militants have endured a heavy blow this year, their centralized system of command has been destroyed and famous field commanders killed."

Representatives of the other side reacted to the news about their preparation for the large-scale operation "Fiery Summer" a little later. In the beginning of May in an interview with "Radio Liberty", famous Chechen field commander Doku Umarov announced the fighters' intentions "to carry out military activities on the territory of the opponent."

According to him, only by Aslan Maskhadov's demand did they thus far restrict military operations to the territory of Chechnya. Now however "when the murder and kidnapping of peaceful Chechen citizens has attained not only a full-scale but demonstrative character," the decision was made to introduce broad-scale military operations on the territory of Russia.

Thus the separatist websites have posted several new orders of Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev - Aslan Maskhadov's successor to the post of President of Ichkeria.

According to site gazeta.ru, one of the orders announced the creation of a united "Caucasus Front" of the Ichkerian Military Force. The stated document claims that Ossetian, Ingush, Kabardino-Balkarian, Stavropolian, Karachaevo-Cherkessian, Adigean and Krasnodar 'sectors' of the Western Front of the the Ichkerian Military Force are included in the "Caucasus Front" along with commanding fronts within Chechnya proper.

What the leaders of the "Caucasus Front" specifically plan to do - that which would seize practically all of the Northern Caucasus Republics – remains as of yet unknown. Nevertheless, there are enough factors to predict that if they don't spread their presence deep into Russia, they will at least do so throughout the Northern Caucasus.

Sadulayev directly declared that whilst Europe doesn't help them to upstart political discussions with Moscow, their plan will remain, "forcing the Kremlin to peace", and that blows will be dealt to the "Achilles Heel of the Kremlin inhabitants and their helpers." This is according to gazeta.ru with a link to separatist websites. What will come of these threats is left for time to tell.

Both the Russian military and the separatists have recently been disseminating information about their great achievements. They are both putting forward ciphers concerning the scale of losses and damage to the enemy which convey a sense of imminent victory.

It is true that in March and April the Russian soldiers and local "powers" carried out a whole row of successful "Special Operations." As a result Aslan Maskhadov was killed as well as several mid-echelon separatist commanders / "emirs". Practically all skirmishes in which "Djamaat Emirs" are destroyed have occurred in or around Grozny. This in some measure affirms information about the concentration of militants earlier and possible large-scale actions on their part.

The past 2-3 weeks have been especially rich in victorious announcements from the side of the Russian military and local power structures. Announcements about the liquidation of militants are released almost every day. The "hand" of the Special Services overtakes them everywhere: in private homes, apartments, in the mountains, on the plains, in the forests and fields. "Are neutralized" the former VP of Ichkeria Vakha Arsanov ,dangerous international terrorist Danilbek Eskiyev, and the emirs of Shelkovsky, Gudermes and other regions and populated points. Several assumed suicide-terrorists.

However, even believing the reports of the Regional Operational Headquarters about almost daily liquidation of “a long time not engaging by businesses” Vakhi Arsanov or several "Djamaat emirs" - this can hardly signify a real victory for the Federals. After all, for the carrying out of diversionary-terroristic acts, the militants have no deep need of a "centralized command system" - the one which the soldiers and special operatives have been trying to destroy for all these years. The tactics of partisan warfare specifically differ from those of classical because various formations and groups act autonomously, striking at convenient times in strategic places, proceeding from reasons of expediency in each concrete occasion and without seeking approval for their activities from "high command".

As the Federals, the militants did sharply increase their level of activation with the arrival of the spring-summer season - especially in the mountainous areas of the Republic. In the past 2-3 weeks active military clashes and skirmishes have occurred in Nozhai-Yurt, Shatoi, Achkhoi-Martanovsky and a series of other regions in Chechnya.

It's possible that this activation is linked to the promised "Fiery Summer" of Shamil Basayev, but one must not exclude the fact that this happens practically every year as soon as the leaves turn green. Many observers calculate that if Basayev did indeed intend to carry out a series of large-scale terrorist acts on the territory of Russia, then he will use all possible and impossible means in order to accomplish the feat.

As confirmation of this one may recall the year 2003. In spring of that year Shamil Basayev declared the commencement of an "operation of punishment" under the name "Boomerang". Afterwards a whole wave of terroristic acts swept across Chechnya and Russia.

On 12 May 2003 loaded of an explosives-rigged "KAMAZ" blew up an administrative building in the village of Znamenskoe (59 killed, nearly 200 wounded). Three days later female suicide-bombers detonated themselves in a crowd which had gathered for holiday in the settlement of Iliskhan-Yurt (26 killed, nearly 150 wounded). In June, suicide-bombers blew up an autobus full of aviation-technical workers at the military hanger near Mozdok (16 killed, 20 wounded). Then there was the trolley explosion in Essentuki, and terror acts in Moscow - in Tushino and near the hotel "National".

At any rate, summer in Chechnya and maybe throughout the entire Northern Caucasus is expected to be if not "fiery" then at least pretty "hot". According to several sources, just in the past few weeks a few hundred young people left various regions of the Republic and went into the mountains.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Chechen Killer Korps smaller post-Maskhadov, but more radicalized
2006-03-10
The death of Aslan Maskhadov, the moderate leader of the Chechen separatists, one year ago has proved a turning point for the rebel movement – though perhaps not in the way the Russian intelligence services intended when they announced that they had killed him.

The removal of Maskhadov, elected president in 1997 and killed on March 8, 2005, meant that the leading role passed to the radicals led by Russia’s most wanted man, Shamil Basayev. No major moderate figure has taken up Maskhadov’s mantle or has called for dialogue with the Russians.

Maskhadov’s successor as rebel president, Abdul-Khalim Sadullayev, is officially working with Basayev and has announced the creation of a “Caucasus Front” that stretches beyond Chechnya to the rest of the North Caucasus.

In February, Sadulayev reorganised his government, giving it a more radical complexion. In a rebuff to moderate envoys working in Europe, he called on all officials working abroad to return home and stripped Umar Khambiev of his post as presidential representative abroad. Another envoy Akhmed Zakayev, now resident in Britain, was demoted from his job as deputy prime minister, leaving him as merely culture minister.

The most eye-catching move was the appointment of the rebel movement’s exiled ideologist, Movladi Udugov, as head of the newly-created “National Information Service for the State Defence Committee”.

"Udugov's appointment to a high position while Akhmed Zakayev retains only the post of minister means just one thing: the radicals have won a victory," said Chechen political analyst Murad Nashkhoyev. "However, it is Moscow itself that has untied the Chechen radicals’ hands by killing Maskhadov, the elected president, and rejecting negotiations with its opponents."

The rebel commanders of the Nineties grouped around Maskhadov had Soviet backgrounds and little knowledge of Islam. They have been replaced by a new generation who talk about jihad and feel closer to the Islamic world than to Europe.

The thinking of these new-style rebels is typified by Ansar, a 40-year-old Grozny resident who fought on the anti-Moscow side in both the first and second Chechen conflicts.

"Chechnya cannot be independent if the whole of the North Caucasus is not independent,” said Ansar. “Otherwise, Moscow will simply crush us economically and politically, if not through war, which what it’s currently trying to do with Georgia. I think Sheikh Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev, Shamil Basayev, Doku Umarov and all the other current leaders have come to understand this truth.”

A 23-year-old young man who said he is a member of a guerrilla group active in Grozny told IWPR, “Russia is engaged in real terror not only against Muslims in Chechnya, but also against them in the whole of the North Caucasus. The same thing’s really going on everywhere: Muslims are being killed, detained under various invented pretexts, tortured, maimed, and humiliated. Men are afraid of growing beards because they can be accused of being Wahhabis [Islamic radicals], with all the consequences that can entail. Women are afraid of wearing headscarves for the same reason.

"This is why a jihad is necessary, first and foremost the jihad of the sword - not only in Chechnya, but throughout the North Caucasus.”

This young man, who gave his first name as Islam, was critical of Maskhadov’s pro-western stance. Although he recognised that the late Chechen leader was “a very courageous man”, he said, “We should admit that he made a lot of mistakes. He relied on assistance from Europe and the West. He believed they would help to stop this massacre in Chechnya. He thought everything could be resolved through political negotiations. Time has shown that he was badly mistaken."

The policy of spreading the war to the rest of the North Caucasus was dramatised by last October’s attack on Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria, in which dozens of people died.

In January, Basayev gave an interview, published on separatist websites, in which he said that Sadulayev planned to hold a big “majlis” or assembly in spring 2006 to unify the Chechen fighters. Basayev also said he "intends to cross the river Volga" in summer.

"Shamil Basayev's threats to 'cross the Volga' can be interpreted with some irony - but they cannot be ignored, as there are effectively no reliable data on the number of guns held by him and other field commanders,” commented Anatoly Petrov, who works with the Military Commandant's Office for Chechnya. “Most of the gunmen usually sit quietly at home, waiting for orders. They aren’t running around in the mountains, as people generally believe.

“It is quite likely that the leaders of the bandit groups want to carry out a few large diversionary and terrorist attacks this summer in order to make themselves heard again. The situation in Chechnya itself is under control. Therefore, in my opinion, the gunmen will try to do something in one of the North Caucasus republics, say Karachai-Cherkessia or Adygeia.”

Petrov said that the insurgents still enjoy support amongst the Chechen population “not only amongst young people who basically have nothing to do in a republic destroyed by war, but even among religious figures, and quite possibly among officials too”.

He cited an instance in which a Muslim cleric in the south-eastern Vedeno region who nominally supported the pro-Moscow government in Grozny was accused of aiding the rebels. In another case, a deputy to the mufti, or chief Muslim cleric, in Chechnya was dismissed after attending the funeral of rebel fighter Hussein Chersiev, killed in Ingushetia.

There are varying figures for the number of active fighters still operating in Chechnya. In January, Russian general Oleg Khotin put the number at 750, while pro-Moscow Chechen prime minister Ramzan Kadyrov said there were just 250.

Despite a reduced level of violence, and assertions by Moscow that it has the situation “fully under control”, there is still fighting going on in Chechnya – with some indications that it may flare up again with the start of spring. On March 3, a battle took place near the village of Serzhen-Yurt and locals reported seeing at least four military helicopters firing rockets into the forest. Residents of mountain villages say there has been an increase in artillery fire in their regions.

The young fighter Islam speaks with confidence about the future. "We are fated to victory," he said with a confident stare from unblinking eyes. "Because we have the two best choices - victory or paradise. Both are good for us. We will either eject the Russian aggressors from Chechnya and the entire Caucasus, or we will become shahids on the path of Allah and go to paradise. There is no third option."
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Last vestiges of Chechen moderates being removed
2006-02-07
Chechen resistance leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev issued a decree on 5 February stripping Deputy Prime Minister Akhmed Zakayev and Health Minister Umar Khanbiyev, both of whom currently represent the resistance in Europe, of those government posts, and ordering most Chechen ministers currently abroad (except Zakayev) to return to Chechnya.

Zakayev has recently engaged in a polemic with radical Chechen ideologues, including Press and Information Minister Movladi Udugov, who reject an independent Chechen state in favor of an Islamic state encompassing the entire North Caucasus and who argue that resistance fighters should not be constrained by the norms of international law.

Over the past two months, Zakayev has published two lengthy articles taking issue with what he terms the "musings" of Chechen "ideologues," including Udugov, and accusing them of being in cahoots with Moscow.

The first such article, posted on 19 December on the resistance website chechenpress.org, opens with the stated intention of setting out the official viewpoint of the resistance leadership with regard to the proposals of analysts who "are putting forward ideas that entail a radical revision of the ultimate goals and strategic tasks of the Chechen national liberation struggle."

Specifically, Zakayev continued, those writers argue that the resistance should not be constrained by international law or human rights norms, an argument that Zakayev claims is inconsistent with the Islamic concept of justice. Zakayev admits nonetheless that the conduct of many so-called democratic Western states in this respect is less than exemplary.

Zakayev reasons that Chechens cannot achieve the independent statehood they aspire to exclusively by military means, but need a "political voice" that can convince the international community that their desire for independence is valid. From that angle, eschewing human rights norms would therefore be counterproductive, Zakayev argues, as the international community would then write the Chechens off as "bandits, marauders, and murderers," which, he continues, is exactly what the Kremlin is hoping for.

Zakayev goes on to reject the argument that Chechnya does not need a constitution. He points out that not only does every independent sovereign state have a constitution, but that to denounce the 1992 constitution of Djokhar Dudayev's Chechen Republic Ichkeria would be to undercut the legal foundations of the sovereignty of that republic, and of all its institutions, including its government, parliament, and armed forces.

Zakayev then targets his opponents' demands to bury the idea of Chechen independent statehood in the name of a Caucasus caliphate with Sadulayev as imam of the Caucasus.

Zakayev admits that the resistance forces battling Russian colonialism in the North Caucasus are no longer exclusively Chechen. But, he says, there is a "huge gap" between military cooperation against a common enemy and establishing a single unified North Caucasus state.

He insists "there is not, and cannot be, any national freedom without national sovereignty, without a national state," and that "national sovereignty is not an obstacle to various kinds of integration with other peoples and states but on contrary serves as the basis for such integration... It will only be possible to speak of real forms of unification of Chechens with other peoples of Caucasus only after the North Caucasus is liberated from the military-political presence of Russia."

It would, Zakayev continues, be "irresponsible, harmful, and a crime" to begin dismantling Chechen statehood at this juncture. After all, he reasons, "in 1990 the Chechens restored not an imamate but their national sovereignty, and in 1994 they went to war against the Russian aggressors not under the slogan of creating a Caucasus caliphate, but to free our country from Russian occupation."

Two weeks later, on 30 December, chechenpress.org posted what was billed as a statement from Sadulayev's administration expressing support for Zakayev. That statement said that the "Chechen leadership, among whom there are learned alims [scholars], does not see any contradiction between Islam and the doctrine of an independent Chechen state with all the appropriate official institutions." It followed with a thinly veiled warning to "ideologues occupying official positions in the Chechen government" not to mislead the Chechen people and international community on fundamental questions of domestic and foreign policy." The statement reaffirmed the imperative for Chechen resistance forces to abide by international law, even if Russia declines to do the same.

In his follow-up article on 14 January, Zakayev rejects the accusation leveled against him by his opponents that he, together with other unnamed ministers and deputies to the Chechen parliament elected under Maskhadov in 1997, fears Shari'a law, and that he gives precedence to democracy over Islam. (The article is entitled "I Am A Democrat Only To The Extent That Islam And The Traditions Of My People Permit.") Zakayev accuses his ideological opponents of being in cahoots with Kremlin, specifically of having plotted the ill-fated invasion of Daghestan in the summer of 1999 that furnished Russia with the pretext for a new incursion into Chechnya."

Zakayev repeats that Chechens are being killed not because they are Muslims, but because they want an independent state, and he warns that at crucial junctures in Chechnya's history Russia has invariably sought to defuse Chechen demands for an independent state by offering them the alternative of living under Shari'a law, but within Russia.

Zakayev goes on to claim that the opinions Udugov espouses are his personal opinions, and that "in all questions concerning the basic foundations of the Chechen state the leadership of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria adheres to a single, agreed position based on the Chechen constitution and taking into account the norms and principles of international law." But his demotion and the summons to return to Chechnya casts serious doubt on that affirmation.

Questioned on 6 February by RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service, both Zakayev and Udugov declined to comment on their ideological disagreement or on any possible link between that dispute and Sadulayev's decree reorganizing his government. Zakayev told RFE/RL's Russian Service later the same day that his polemic with Udugov has no relevance whatsoever to Sadulayev's government restructuring.

Zakayev did, however, admit that "the internal situation in the republic -- political and military -- has changed." Whether Sadulayev has agreed to what he envisages as a purely tactical concession, as his predecessor Aslan Maskhadov was constrained to do in early 1999 under pressure from Islamic radicals, or whether he does see himself as the imam of the Caucasus, remains as yet unclear. His decree of 22 January creating a Council of Alims of Peoples of the Caucasus to advise him would seem, however, to corroborate the latter hypothesis.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Sadulayev sacks Zakayev, initiates purge
2006-02-07
Fred, I think, has in the past compared how al-Qaeda sees Chechnya to how the Soviets saw the Spanish Civil War. Looks like the purge is underway in full force ...
Chechen separatist leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev has announced a reshuffle targeting several top rebel representatives living abroad. Under the reshuffle, prominent London-based separatist envoy Akhmed Zakayev has been dismissed as deputy prime minister. Sadulayev has also reportedly signed a decree ordering all his ministers to be based in Chechnya.

The reshuffle was announced today by Chechen separatist websites, which are describing it as a move to fortify the self-proclaimed separatist government.

The pro-rebel website chechenpress.co.uk wrote that Sadulayev ordered the reshuffle "so that our enemies' propaganda does not speak of a 'government in exile.'"

According to decrees reportedly signed by Sadulayev, Zakayev has been dismissed as deputy prime minister while retaining his post as culture minister.

Movladi Udugov, who also lives abroad, has been dismissed as information minister and named head of a "national information service."
Udugov is a Saudi creation and the webmaster/editor of Kavkaz Center. Notice that he's the only one who's still got a job.
Umar Khanbiyev, another prominent longtime separatist envoy exiled in France, has been sacked as health minister.

In addition, Sadulayev has ordered that all government ministers must now reside on Chechen territory, with the exception of Zakayev and Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov, who has been granted political asylum in the United States.

Zakayev told RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service that the shake-up was aimed at consolidating the separatist leadership at home.

"In August [2005], a section for external and humanitarian matters was created in the new government structure," Zakayev said. "I was put in charge of that section, which included five or six ministries singled out in that [August 2005] decree. When that section was set up, there was hope that those ministers who lived abroad would be able to do their work more or less efficiently and that they would have the opportunities to do their work. However, the past two or three months showed that this plan was unrealistic. Furthermore, the internal situation in the republic, political and military, has changed. So, the [current] decree is aimed at strengthening the role of ministries, ministers, and government officials working at home [in Chechnya]. Consequently, the top government leaders will work at home. This was the purpose of the decree."

Zakayev added that he expects more changes in the separatist government.

According to the chechenpress website, another reason for the shake-up could have been the bitter comments exchanged lately by Zakayev and Udugov on rebel websites.

Udugov has called for Chechen separatists to reject international legislation and Western democratic standards, a view that the more moderate Zakayev has strongly opposed.

Some political analysts believe that Zakayev's moderate views contributed to his dismissal as deputy prime minister and see the reshuffle as a sign that the Chechen leadership is becoming more radical.

Zakayev was a close aide to Aslan Maskhadov, the former Chechen president killed by Russian forces last year. Maskhadov had reiterated his readiness to negotiate with Moscow.

Maskhadov was immediately replaced by Sadulayev, a little-known Islamic cleric currently in hiding.

For Aleksei Malashenko, a Caucasus expert at the Carnegie Center in Moscow, Zakayev's dismissal as deputy prime minister comes as no surprise.

He said the failure of the peace talks with Moscow have made Zakayev "a figure of the past."

"New figures are emerging there, maybe more radical, people are emerging who do not want to restrain their activity to Chechnya but wish to operate throughout the whole North Caucasus," Malashenko said. "And in this respect, Zakayev is a figure of the past for absolutely everyone, because he was a person connected to Maskhadov, to negotiations, to times when negotiations were possible. Now, negotiations are totally impossible."

Zakayev, who took part in the fighting at the start of the war a decade ago, has been branded by Moscow an international terrorist.

Moscow has unsuccessfully sought his extradition from Britain, where he has been granted political asylum.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
Revenge, not independence, driving anti-Russian fighters
2005-12-09
Timur Mamayev was repeatedly beaten by police, who insulted his religion and harassed his children, his wife says. He appealed for help to the authorities but got no answer.

Mamayev’s patience snapped in mid-October when, as part of a group of 150 young Muslims, he attacked government buildings in the southern Russian town of Nalchik.

“It was a protest. They did not want to win independence, 150 people would not win anything. They sacrificed themselves in an attempt to change things,” said his wife Fatima, 32. She says she has not seen her husband since the day of the attack.

To Russian officials, her husband is a terrorist who tried to overthrow secular rule. To his relatives, he was just a desperate man trying to make his point the only way he could.

Some 24 police officers and 93 rebels died in the clashes in Nalchik, a grid of dusty, tree-lined streets with ramshackle single-story houses in the Kabardino-Balkaria region.

Russian officials saw the assault as further proof of the insidious spread of international terrorism across the poor south, and President Vladimir Putin called the crushing of the revolt a victory.

Separatists from nearby Chechnya said they staged the raid with support from local anti-Kremlin insurgents.

But Nalchik’s residents saw the uprising as part of a pattern in the Muslim North Caucasus, from Dagestan in the east to Kabardino-Balkaria in the west.

They say that young men exhausted by police harassment and frustrated by official corruption were following the example of their fellow Muslims in Chechnya and taking the fight into their own hands — not to win independence, but to get even.

“The police declared war on Muslims. And these lads gave up thinking they could achieve anything peacefully, so they took up their guns so people would hear them,” said Larissa Dorogova, a lawyer who describes herself as representing “believers”.

“This is not a war between religions, or between nations. It is between police and believers.”

Islam is one of Russia’s four official religions, and the country’s approximately 20 million Muslims have their right to worship enshrined in the constitution.

Officials have repeatedly emphasized that the Chechen war, which has ground on for 11 years with tens of thousands of casualties, and operations in neighboring regions like Kabardino-Balkaria are not aimed at Muslims, but at terrorists.

But analysts said oppression and harassment of Muslims, and the closure of mosques — Nalchik has only one official mosque after the others were shut — had sparked the revolt.

“What happened was caused on the one hand by Islam, and on the other hand by the inept behavior of the local authorities and police who provoked the population,” said Alexei Malashenko, a scholar from the Moscow Carnegie Centre think tank.

“The security problem was a result of the stupid policies of the local government ... I think there is no link to international terrorism.”

Nalchik’s Muslims have many theories about police behavior — some say they are targeted because they do not give bribes.

Attitudes towards Muslims among Russia’s security forces and officials have hardened under the influence of the Chechen war and linked attacks, like the Beslan school siege.

“It is clear that there is a massive repression (of Muslims) throughout Russia, which is scary,” said Tatyana Kasatkina, executive director of human rights group Memorial.

“Force of arms achieves nothing. Our work in the North Caucasus shows that people who are attacked by police are not just bandits but ordinary people, and this just helps the people who we call terrorists.”

Chechen separatist leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev claimed his commanders helped organize the Nalchik attack. Chechen rebels, keen to bolster anyone who can put pressure on Russian troops, have offered help to guerrillas elsewhere.

“Today the forces opposed to Russia, not finding other ways of fighting tyranny, come to us and that is a great help for us,” Sadulayev said after the Oct. 13 bloodshed in Nalchik.

Officials have accused the Chechens of wanting to set up an Islamic state between the Black and Caspian Seas.

“Anyone who picks up arms, threatens the life and health of our citizens and the integrity of the Russian state will be dealt with in the same way (as in Nalchik),” Putin said after the attack on the city.

“Our actions have to be commensurate with all the threats that bandits pose for our country.”

Activists say Putin’s tactics merely spur more rebels to take up arms, stoking the very problem they are meant to solve.“

Relatives of the dead in Nalchik said what angered them most was the state’s refusal to release the bodies for burial.

Authorities said that since the dead men were suspected of terrorism they would be buried in unmarked graves.

Fatima Mamayeva used her mobile phone to show a film of the vans used to store the bodies of those killed on Oct. 13. She failed to find her husband among them. In the gloomy vans, naked bodies lay piled on top of each other. Necks and arms were twisted at impossible angles.

”I went into the wagons three times before I found the body of my son. He was lying on his face, so I turned him over to see him, and his insides just fell out,“ said Said Tishikov, whose 25-year-old son Ruslan was among the dead rebels.

Relatives of the dead said Moscow’s failure to win over devout young Muslims was just storing up trouble for the future.

”Why should this not repeat itself? They are going after children and wives now. Some people will bear this, but others will take up their weapons again,“ said Mamayeva, her face drawn and serious beneath her tight head-scarf.
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Caucasus/Russia/Central Asia
80+ killed by Chechen Killer Korps in Nalchik, hostages still being held
2005-10-14
Islamic militants staged coordinated attacks on police and government buildings in Russia's North Caucasus region Thursday in a new wave of violence spilling over from war-torn Chechnya that killed more than 80 people.

Authorities said 12 police officers, 12 civilians and more than 50 guerrillas died in the day's fighting in Nalchik, capital of the predominantly Muslim republic of Kabardino-Balkaria. Seven more guerrillas were reported killed in an outlying district and 17 were captured.

Militants held several people hostage in a Nalchik police station into the evening, authorities said. Russian President Vladimir V. Putin ordered that the guerrilla uprising be crushed.

The fighting marked the continued spread through the region of the violence that started in the 1990s with a bid for independence by Chechen separatists.

"People have been talking for a long time now about the metastasis of the Chechen conflict throughout the North Caucasus, and this is one of the manifestations," said Nikolai Silayev, a Caucasus analyst at the Moscow State Institute for International Relations. "The situation in the North Caucasus is clearly not quieting down."

In September 2004, militants seized a school in the town of Beslan, about 60 miles southeast of Nalchik, and more than 300 hostages, police officers and rebels died in explosions and a shootout.

Russian First Deputy Interior Minister Alexander Chekalin estimated the number of militants involved in the attacks at 100, but other officials said as many as 300 could be involved. Putin ordered cordon around the city of 235,000 to prevent militants from escaping during the night.

"The president gave an instruction that not one gunman should be allowed to leave the town, and those who are armed and putting up resistance must be wiped out," Chekalin said in televised remarks after meeting Putin.

Mohammed Samukov, an aide to Nalchik's mayor, said in a telephone interview that fighting in the city began about 9 a.m., with attacks on three police buildings, a state security office, an anti-organized crime unit and a border guard detachment. The gunmen also tried to seize the city's airport, but failed, other authorities said.

"They've made some noise, caused some mayhem and now are going to be trying to get out," Samukov said. "They have not made any demands. For now, they are only speaking the language of weapons."

A doctor at City Hospital No. 2, who was willing to give only her first name, Galina, said that fighting had occurred near the hospital at midday. "A group of several people was firing at our police, and they were warding off the attackers," she said. "The din was really something. There were explosions, but the hospital wasn't damaged."

Arsen Kanokov, president of Kabardino-Balkaria, said Thursday evening that the situation was under control.

"There is absolutely no panic. The entire state infrastructure is working and all of the city's exit routes have been sealed off," he said.

Chekalin said security forces were conducting systematic searches for remaining militants.

"It is very important for us now, first of all, to find the bandits, the rebels in town, including the wounded and those in hiding," he said in televised remarks. "The task is not to let a single rebel slip through. And if a rebel is armed, shoot-to-kill orders are to be followed without hesitation."

Alexei Malashenko, a Caucasus expert at the Carnegie Moscow Center, linked the incident to the military and political struggle in Chechnya between pro-Moscow and separatist forces, and to broad tensions between authorities and Islamists in the North Caucasus region.

In recent years, he said, authorities in Kabardino-Balkaria have sought to repress the expression of Islam outside officially approved channels, and this appears to have produced a backlash.

"Relations between officials and believers deteriorated," Malashenko said.

The attacks appeared to be an effort by Islamic militants "to show everybody, including the Kremlin administration, that they are very strong and can do whatever they like, even in a big city like Nalchik," he said. "This was a kind of demonstration of their capacities. It is at the same time a certain revenge."

The attacks could also be a show of strength linked to a scheduled Nov. 27 parliamentary election in Chechnya, he said.

Authorities blamed the attack on a group called Yarmuk, which they said was linked to Islamic extremists and Chechen rebels led by Shamil Basayev and Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev.

Federal Deputy Prosecutor General Vladimir Kolesnikov told reporters in Nalchik that some of the captured militants had begun to talk. He said the attack was led by Islamic radicals Anzor Astemirov and Iless Gorchkhanov. They previously were identified as leaders of Yarmuk and are suspected of masterminding an attack on the Nalchik drug control office in December.

"Unfortunately, the aim of the bandit attack is to destabilize the situation and demonstrate their organizational, resource and other capabilities, and to try to show that the authorities are helpless when it comes to protecting public order and protecting citizens," Kolesnikov said.

A statement posted on the rebel-linked website Kavkaz Center also credited Yarmuk with the Thursday's attacks.

Mindful of the Beslan attack, for which Basayev claimed responsibility, authorities in Nalchik said they evacuated children from schools.

If one goal of the Nalchik assaults was to provoke shock at the rebels' capabilities, they seemed to have that effect in some quarters.

"We have plenty of forces," Mikhail Zalikhanov, a member of the lower house of parliament from Kabardino-Balkaria, said in televised remarks. "There are 13,000 police officers alone [in the republic]. With such resources, not to mention the other law-enforcement agencies, how could it be possible, in the heart of our republic, in broad daylight, for bandits to prance around like this?"
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